Indian modern art sales took a gigantic leap this week when an auction at the Mumbai- based Pundole gallery moved the star focus from the traditional top names like M.F.Husain and S.H.Raza to indigenous art with an exceptional large work by Jangarh Singh Shyam being sold for a record hammer price of Rs18 crore. That is approximately $2.15m, including Pundole’s (generous) 15% buyer’s premium, just over seven times a $303,000 record set for the artist just five days earlier at Saffronart in Mumbai, which beat a $91,000 sale at Pundole in 2023 and far exceeded prices around $30,000 or far less in earlier years.

Shyam is probably India’s most famous indigenous artist. He belonged to the central Indian Gond tribe and lived in the state of Madhya Pradesh.

He was a flute player and painted traditional motifs and scenes using natural pigments on the walls of Patangarh, his hill-top village, until he was discovered in the early 1980s by Jagdish Swaminathan, an established artist whose works have also figured in the recent auctions.

While his records are an unexpected breakthrough for indigenous art, the $2.15m is of course not large compared with South Asian auction records that are currently heading towards $20m for prominent Indian artists including the Mumbai-based Progressives group. M.F.Husain topped the Pundole auction with a striking 48in x 24in oil on board (below) titled Red Girl that sold for a hammer price of Rs65 crore ($6.7m), thirteen times the top estimate of Rs5 crore.

Shyam belonged to the Pardhan Gond community that had strong musical traditions. Bards told stories that preserved the myths and genealogy of Gond rulers and their people.

As Shyam’s works this week show, the Gond artists transfer these stories onto canvas and paper, portraying scenes, real and imagined, from their lives in India’s jungles and forests, weaving tales that combine their tribal gods and animals such as tigers, leopards and deer with birds, snakes, trees and people.

Villagers in Patangarh and elsewhere continue to produce intriguing works that are available at modest prices in India, while more sophisticated works are increasingly listed in art auctions for thousands of dollars. International museums including the Guggenheim in New York and the Chicago Cultural Institute have examples of Shyam’s work, and Mumbai’s annual art fair in November will feature tribal and folk art.

Shyam’s story began when Swaminathan introduced him to acrylic paint and then, seeing his talent, took him to Bhopal, the state’s capital, where he was assembling local artists at a cultural centre called Bharat Bhavan. Shyam’s art developed sufficiently for him to be invited to Japan, where he was on an artist’s residency when he tragically died in 2011 by suicide, age 39.

“Jangarh has left his footprints and legacy in the history of Indian contemporary art,” says Alka Pande, a leading curator, who has written a book about him. “He brought alive the magic of his ancestral village of Patangarh and initiated a style of painting which has come to be known as the Jangarh Kalam. The prices of the Jangarh Kalam at the recent auction is a tribute to his creative genius”.

Both the Pundole and Saffronart record breakers are unusually large. Saffronart’s work, showing birds removing insects from the backs of cows, is 66in x 43in.

The untitled Pundole work, depicting a spirit figure with snakes and birds in a tree, is significantly larger at 91in x 69in and has spectacular colours. Both works are acrylics on canvas, painted in 1999, and they both originated in Japan, where many of Shyam’s works are located from his time there.

“The complex composition reveals the artist’s ability to paint to any scale. His patterning and technique is varied across the composition and shows his experimental nature and his skill and versatility as an artist,” says Rob Dean, a director of Pundole auctions.

The Pundole painting has never appeared before at an auction. It was estimated at Rs4 to 6 crore, and bidding on Sept 24 seemed to hesitate around Rs7 to 9 core, but then went ahead with three bidders narrowing to two, rising by a crore with each bid till one bidder gave way and it was sold for a hammer price of 18 crore. It was won by the collector with paddle 1730 who also bought a Swaminathan marble sculpture of a white owl and a bronze water buffalo by Somnath Hoare.

There was less bidding for the Saffronart record Shyam that came at the end of its auction and went for Rs2.88 crore ($303,158) including the premium against a Rs2 to 3 crore estimate.

The Pundole auction also had three other paintings by Shyam which were sold well above estimates, and a striking 32in x 44in oil on canvas from Swaminathan’s Bird, Tree and Mountain Series that sold for Rs5 crore (including premium) against a top estimate of Rs3 crore ($315,790). The catalogue said his style of presented “natural objects in intangible landscapes glowing with luminous colours”.

Records were set for many artists during the current season’s South Asia auctions with Christie’s sales totalling $22.57m on September 16 in New York, and Saffronart reaching $23.01m in New Delhi along with $3.3m in a two-day online sale. Pundole led the pack with $27.87m.

These results come at a time when collectors in the diaspora, as well as in India, have substantial funds and are looking for new types of art. “Buyers are moving on at a time when there are fewer top artists’ works available for auctions, and when art is becoming recognised as something that maintains its value through generations,” says Dinesh Vazirani, Saffronart’s co-founder and ceo.

The stars of Christie’s New York auction were the Progressives’ F.N. Souza, along with Ganesh Pyne who dominated Christie’s £18,91m ($25.37m) London auction last November with works from a Calcutta tea company’s collection.

Souza’’s Woman with Lamp (1949) was the top lot fetching $2.3m (including premium), almost four times its high estimate, and his Building in Trafalgar Square (1955) which made $1.1m. Ganesh Pyne’s The Slave at $1.2m went for more than four times its low estimate. There were also two Jagdish Swaminathan’s with hammer prices of $ 120,000 and $280.000. Christie’s set eight world records during the sale.

Souza also led at Saffronart with a remarkable record breaking Rs15.6 crores ($1.6m) for a work on paper – a brightly coloured 21in x 13in gouache titled Hanuman the Monkey God, (1965)

These top sales are sure to continue. Sotheby’s has its usual autumn auction in London next week including two small mid-1990s Shyam line drawings (below) offered as one lot with a £4,000-£6,000 estimate – and, rather irrelevantly given this week’s records, a “no reserve” tag.

Indian Gonds, especially Shyam, are clearly artists to watch.

John Elliott is Asia Sentinel’s South Asia correspondent. He blogs at Riding the Elephant. He is the author of IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality

The background to Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) project, due to begin operations in January, is widely known among Asia watchers. The proposal had been worked on for decades as an important development driver designed to connect the mainly agricultural areas on Malaysia’s east coast with the more urbanised west coast region, and also Port Klang at the exit of the Malacca Strait facing the Indian Ocean and potential export markets beyond.

In mid-2016, the project was due to go out to tender after the cost was estimated by the East Coast Economic Region Development Council to be in the region of RM30 billion (just over $10 billion dollars at current rates). However, then Prime Minister Najib Razak had other priorities at that time, as it marked the height of the 1MDB sovereign wealth fund scandal, by then fully in the public eye following a year of exposures and reporting kicked off by my online site, The Sarawak Report. Asia Sentinel was one of the key regional media that kept running with a story that was eventually picked up globally.

Extraordinary theft

Najib, now sentenced to 15 years in prison, had only himself to blame for the situation, given he had authorised the wholescale looting of the fund, which he had set up under his sole control in his simultaneous role as Minister of Finance. One Malaysia Development Berhad, to give its full name, was allegedly designed to borrow money to drive development, however its real purpose was to fund political patronage. Moreover, Najib’s co-conspirators, including his informal fixer, the young Chinese Malaysian, Jho Low, siphoned off hundreds of millions for themselves and were indulging in headline-catching ostentation. By this point, the fund’s debts stood at RM11 billion, of which over RM5 billion had been outright stolen by Najib and his collaborators.

On July 20, 2016, a year of denials from the Malaysian government that 1MDB’s mounting debt was due to poor governance, let alone grand larceny, came to a humiliating juncture. On that date, the US Department of Justice took the groundbreaking step of initiating its first major asset seizure by its new Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Unit, freezing over $1.7 billion of property deemed to represent the laundering of stolen money from 1MDB in the United States. This included the rights to the Leonardo DiCaprio movie, The Wolf of Wall Street, a bombardier jet, two Beverley Hills Mansions and New York apartments belonging to Najib’s stepson and to Jho Low, the key proxy and fixer behind the fund.

Malaysia was dumbfounded. Najib, clearly identified as “Malaysian Official One” in the DOJ filing, continued to deny all, however he was on a major hook over the debts that needed repaying. The original scenario, mapped out by his advisors from Goldman Sachs, had been to float the fund and encourage the public and pension funds subject to influence by his own Ministry of Finance along with government-linked companies to inject much-needed cash to plug the holes in 1MDB’s accounts. The floatation could no longer survive such publicity. Tim Leissner, the Goldman Sachs Southeast Asia boss, is now also imprisoned in the United States for the role he played in raising $6.5 billion dollars in Goldman Sachs bonds for 1MDB, of which around half went into the pockets of Najib, Jho Low, himself and a dozen other fund managers and officials from the Gulf.

In a corner, Najib had sent Jho Low to China to explore a bailout from Beijing. This was to prove rapidly successful. However, the relief came with major strings attached, including the delivery of the East Coast Rail Link into the orbit of China’s Belt & Road initiative, bypassing the original tender, at a 100 percent mark-up.

China and Najib

The full story behind China’s extraordinary collaboration with Najib and Jho Low in their attempted cover-up of the 1MDB theft – by stealing further billions of dollars from the Malaysian people and then laundering it back into the fund – has only been possible to fully piece together over time. It forms the substance of my new book The China Contract, which has ironically coincided with a closed-door settlement of key outstanding issues between the two countries relating to that mutual participation in a shameful episode. In my book, I reveal that summit negotiations between the two countries last year resulted in China waiving an outstanding debt owed by Malaysia of some $3 billion in return for a pledge to not include Chinese state companies and banks in the ongoing quest for reparations from firms caught up in facilitating the world’s largest recorded kleptocracy.

I received my first inkling of what was going on almost immediately. Just one week after the DOJ press conference, I was leaked a copy of an extraordinary document that mapped out the deal. The document outlined in precise detail the terms agreed by Jho Low following meetings with the state-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) in Beijing days before.

The ECRL would be removed from public tender and converted into a Chinese Belt & Road project funded through loans from China and constructed by Chinese companies. In return, China would facilitate a project inflation theft by Najib whereby the cost would be doubled to RM60 billion, half of which would then be laundered back to 1MDB to pay its debts. The document spelled out 1MDB’s debt repayment schedule over the next five years and specified the method by which Chinese banks and Chinese companies would channel the money out of the project.

My publication of this scoop rightly resulted in more scandal for Najib and more denials. Nonetheless, in November of that year, the prime minister flew to Beijing to sign off on the project along the very same terms. Moreover, he tied Malaysia into a wider Belt & Road Treaty that involved important realignments in defense and further major infrastructure, including two oil pipeline projects that conveniently allowed for 88 percent of the projected $2 billion cost to be delivered upfront to the Chinese contractor with no strings attached. The money would be immediately raised as a loan from China’s Exim Bank (at a rate of interest that amounted to a total debt of $3 billion, which I suggest represents the sum that was recently settled). Yet the construction of these pipelines was barely started, and the project was later scrapped after Najib was ejected from office by an angry electorate in 2018. The mystery as to where that money went would only later emerge from a separate source entirely – it was an astonishing exercise in money laundering and forms a core part of the book.

The cost of the ECRL itself was immediately re-negotiated by the incoming government headed by ex-prime minister Mahathir Mohammed. However, Malaysia could not disentangle itself altogether from the terms of the contract and will continue to owe the debt for a further 20 years following the start of the payback period, which has been delayed to the start of operations at the beginning of next year. Significantly, China is contracted to remain as the co-operator of the railway, marking the enormous strategic significance of the new overland transport link that will allow China to bypass the major bottleneck formed by the Malacca Strait from the South China Sea.

Malaysian political corruption had thus provided a major opportunity for China to meet its declared strategic objectives. Had Najib remained in power, he (and his country) would have continued to have been compromised to China’s advantage by this guilty deal.

Audacious guilt

Ironically, as detailed in The China Contract, the grubby path by which so many billions were laundered through this project lay through a second entirely bogus Belt & Road project constructed by Jho Low with the help of his collaborators at SASAC, this time in the Gulf. This supposedly $8 billion initiative in Kuwait, set up during the same period in 2016, acted as a façade by which money was funneled from Chinese state construction companies through the Gulf state by companies owned by the son of the then prime minister to be the local “facilitator.” My eventual source would be the sheikh’s business partner who became horrified by the scale and criminality of the operation and did time in jail for speaking out. Eventually, the Kuwaiti authorities acted on the information, once the government had changed; the sheikh and his co-conspirators have also been convicted and jailed.

Jho Low remains at large, and perhaps the most extraordinary twist at the end of this story of skullduggery at the top of governments involves the United States itself. 1MDB money was funding influence-mongering from the start and once China got involved, Jho Low was soon putting millions into the pocket of a key ally connected to President Donald Trump (who was naturally pardoned by the president after pleading guilty).

Only this July was it revealed that Jho Low’s brazen attempt to secure a presidential pardon from Trump had reached a final stage. His was among 250 names on a list of proposed pardons to mark the 250^th anniversary celebrations of American independence that was reported to be sitting on the president’s desk. The story got out and the pardon was never signed, meanwhile I learned that a similar plan had been simultaneously discussed (apparently in person) between Jho Low and Chinese negotiators during settlement talks in KL.

How the fraudster managed to conserve sufficient sums from his participation in 1MDB’s thefts and how he manages to remain seemingly protected while hiding out in China is another significant issue that I have explored. I have concluded it makes perfect sense in the context of the financial secrecy of the west and China’s own interests. To me, the 1MDB cover-up represents the ultimate case study in how Belt & Road corruption has worked to extend Chinese interests. The level of theft and illegal activity deliberately orchestrated by Chinese officials and economic entities to advance strategic objectives is both staggering and informative.

Clare Rewcastle Brown is a British environmental and anti-corruption journalist and activist who uncovered the 1Malaysia Development Berhad scandal. She is the author of “The China Contract: The Inside Story of the World’s Biggest Financial Scandal… and How It Was Covered Up,” due out in November 2026.

The People’s Republic of China has consistently utilized military pressure and gray-zone tactics against regional neighbors and global powers since its founding in 1949. Foreign countries that threaten Chinese sovereignty could be framed as adversaries, and the PRC’s offensive action could be deemed as necessary and defensive countermeasures, argues a new book on China written by India’s former Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale.

In his recently published book, China’s Wars: The Politics and Diplomacy Behind its Military Coercion (Simon & Schuster India), Gokhale, who has roughly four decades in the Indian Foreign Service, examines the strategic calculations behind Beijing’s decision to wage war or use force, based on case studies from the 1950s to modern confrontations. Gokhale retired as India’s Foreign Secretary in 2020, having also served as India’s Ambassador to China from 2016 to 2017.

The author, whose previous works on Chinese statecraft include The Long Game: How the Chinese Negotiate with India, examines how China uses domestic politics, statecraft, ideological doctrine and information operations to build a diplomatic cover, while also looking at when and why China may turn to military coercion in future geopolitical crises.

In this exclusive interview with Asia Sentinel, Gokhale talks about China’s regional ambitions; the tactics deployed against its neighbors, particularly India; how China employs a “talk and fight” approach, creating new military facts on the ground while dragging out negotiations on the altered status quo, leveraging AI and big data to its strategic advantage; and why he believes India should stay vigilant while strengthening its informational and cyber capabilities to breach China’s firewalls.

Edited excerpts:

Q. Why do you think China’s enhanced military and strategic capacities are a cause of concern for its peripheral and proximate neighbors, even though it has not engaged in a major war since the late 1970s?

A. The People’s Republic of China views itself as the primary power in the Indo-Pacific and at the apex in terms of the power hierarchy in this region. It expects other states, big or small, both partners and rivals, to accept the PRC’S dominant position, and to accommodate its concerns and interests without question. Non-acquiescence to Chinese demands for reasons that might be intrinsic to the other regional states is not viewed from the perspective of the other state. Consequently, the PRC interprets such actions or activities as a challenge or a threat. Its assertive and, some say even aggressive behavior over the past two decades is, therefore, a cause for concern, especially when its comprehensive national power is rapidly outpacing that of other states in its proximity.

In what ways do you think China’s past conflicts with India can provide insights into its coercive methods, and how might those lessons shape the way we understand future India-China confrontations?

Since the beginning, the preferred modus operandi of the People’s Republic of China to secure its territorial objectives vis-à-vis India has been to create new facts on the ground and to thereafter attempt to legalize the new status quo through negotiation. They play a long and deceptive game through the careful deployment of historical, legal and psychological methods, such that the changes are subliminal and gradual and the other state hopes to restore the status quo through negotiation without risking an escalation. A number of methods are used by the PRC to delay the resolution of the problem they have created, such as through simultaneous action both on the ground and at the negotiating table, until the ground situation has changed in their favor. If, by then, the other state is unwilling to submit, the PRC does not hesitate to use force to pursue its objective.

You write in the book that the PRC bets on the asymmetric advantage it has already created on the ground through force, in order to deter an adversary from using military means to regain lost territory. Does this logic also apply to China’s recent conflict along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with Indian troops in Ladakh?

Yes. These methods, and others elaborated in my book, are used in situations of both conflict and military coercion below the threshold of conflict such as the incidents along the LAC since 2013.

You note that “how and when China will deploy force in pursuit of its claims in the future” is a legitimate question in the minds of Indian strategists and thinkers. How worried, in your assessment, are India’s strategic thinkers and defense community about the possibility of China using military force in future conflicts against India?

India aspires to have stable and predictable relations with the People’s Republic of China. Every government in India has made specific efforts to resolve the boundary question to little avail. China professes a desire to resolve the boundary dispute peaceably, but retains leverages that speak to its possible longer-term objective of seizing territory. This includes recent provocations such as the renaming of towns and places in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh and the activation of the Sino-Pak Joint Boundary Commission to exercise jurisdiction over integral parts of the territory of the Indian Republic. India’s strategic community remains hopeful that China will abide by its commitment to finding a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable settlement through negotiations, but remains vigilant against potentially hostile acts, and is preparing itself accordingly.

You write that for the PRC, “fighting and talking” go hand in hand, and that political warfare and battlefield combat are deeply intertwined in its strategic culture. What can India learn from a neighbor so adept at combining military pressure with political and informational tools to achieve its objectives?

The PRC’s use of discourse power (narrative-shaping) is one of its strengths. As part of its “three warfare” strategy, China is deploying the use of big data, artificial intelligence and other new digital technologies to enhance its penetration into the social fabric of its rivals in order to influence or transform the cognitive capabilities of entire social groups. The methods include perception-molding, altering historical memory or questioning the framing of an issue in ways that cause the population to question its own leadership. India will need to develop its own set of informational tools to both counter PRC discourse power, and to penetrate the internet and cyber firewalls in order to take the information war to the domestic population in China.

What has your lifelong interest in, and study of, China taught you, especially about the complexities of China’s relations with India?

It has made me aware of the deep gaps in our knowledge and understanding of the People’s Republic of China, and of the pressing need to encourage young scholars to do research in new fields that will provide Indians at large with a balanced view of China. I see my books as a small contribution to this national effort.

Over the two decades following 2001, Afghan women earned law degrees, rose to the bench as judges and made all efforts to reshape their nation. They confronted corruption and struggled to curb rising violence targeting women and children. These educated and powerful women spearheaded the effort to build a modern democracy. Yet when Western forces pulled out in August 2021, Afghanistan’s women judges, including their families, were suddenly exposed to life-threatening peril.

In her Orwell Prize 2026-winning book, The Escape from Kabul, writer and journalist Karen Bartlett tells the story of the escape of nearly 200 women and their families, supported by a network of professional friends, female judges and lawyers from around the world, who refused to abandon them to the Taliban.

The former director of a leading campaign group for democracy and human rights, Bartlett is the author of five other non-fiction books including The Health of Nations, The Diary That Changed The World: The Remarkable Story of Otto Frank, The Diary of Anne Frank and After Auschwitz with Eva Schloss.

In an exclusive interview with Asia Sentinel, the London-based author talks about what drew her to write the story of these brave Afghan women judges who had upheld the rule of law in their country for 20 years, and how it suddenly vanished, and the coming together of an informal network of female judges, lawyers, and volunteers spread across Europe, North America, Australia and elsewhere who sprang into action from their bedrooms and kitchens to rescue about 300 Afghan women judges and their families.

Edited Excerpts:

What initially drew you to this story, and how did you begin working with international networks like the International Association of Women Judges (IAWJ) to document the lives and escape of these Afghan female judges?

In August 2021, as Kabul was falling, I learned that hundreds of Afghan women judges had suddenly become some of the most wanted people in the country. These were women who had spent two decades putting violent extremists, terrorists and domestic abusers behind bars. Overnight, the prison doors had been opened and many of the men they had sentenced were now free.

The headlines understandably focused on the airport evacuation, but there was another extraordinary story unfolding behind the scenes. These women had upheld the rule of law for twenty years, and suddenly the law they upheld and built had vanished.

I began speaking to the international judges involved in the evacuation efforts, and then the Afghan judges who had managed to escape. The International Association of Women Judges had become the nerve center of an extraordinary rescue operation - working alongside lawyers, judges and supporters across the world to try to evacuate hundreds of women and their families.

What amazed me was that this wasn’t a government-led operation. It was ordinary people, mostly women, working from kitchen tables, spare bedrooms and laptops across different continents. They were coordinating visas, flights, safe houses and communications while governments struggled to respond.

This was a story about courage, solidarity and what happens when civil society steps into a vacuum left by international institutions. That became the heart of Escape from Kabul. Yet this book was so much more, I wanted to chronicle the work and lives of women in Afghanistan. That was absolutely crucial because we see them in that role again in our lifetimes.

Before 2021, Afghan women were leading landmark efforts against domestic violence and corruption. How did these women transform the judiciary over two decades, and at what point did their professional work make them direct targets for retaliation?

These women were highly trained and experienced legal professionals who fundamentally changed Afghanistan’s justice system. Afghanistan appointed its first woman judge in 1969. After 2001, Afghanistan began rebuilding its legal institutions, and women entered the judiciary in unprecedented numbers. They worked in anti-terror courts, commercial courts, family courts, violence against women courts and on anti-corruption cases and criminal prosecutions. They enforced the Elimination of Violence Against Women law, prosecuted honor killings, forced marriages and domestic abuse, and held powerful individuals accountable.

For many Afghan women, walking into a courtroom and seeing a female judge for the first time was transformative. Victims of abuse often said they finally felt someone understood their experiences.

But that same work made the judges enemies. Every conviction created another person who might seek revenge. Extremist groups regarded them as symbols of Western influence, while convicted criminals saw them as personal enemies.

By around 2015 or 2016, many judges were already travelling in different cars each day, changing routes to work and hiding where they lived. They received death threats regularly.

The danger intensified as the Taliban gained territory. By 2021, judges weren’t just threatened because they were women - they were threatened because they represented an independent legal system based on constitutional rights.

The January 2021 assassination of two female Supreme Court judges on their way to work was a devastating blow. From your interviews, did that mark the moment judges realized the threat was existential, or did most still hope to stay and protect the legal system until the final collapse in August?

The assassination of Judges Zakia Herawi and Qadria Yasini in January 2021 was a profound shock. It was truly devastating, and I will never forget the impact it had on their families. Many judges I’ve spoken to describe it as the moment they realized nobody was beyond reach. Yet the judges continued to go to work every day.

These women had devoted their lives to building Afghanistan’s justice system. Many genuinely believed that the institutions they had spent 20 years creating would survive. They continued hearing cases, writing judgments and going to court because they felt a profound duty to their country.

Even in August, as provinces began falling very quickly one by one, many still expected there would be some negotiated political settlement. Very few anticipated how quickly the entire state would collapse.

When Kabul fell on 15 August, the speed of events overtook everyone. One day they were judges; the next they were forced to flee. Those that left lost not only their homeland but also their identity and purpose.

When Western governments failed to establish organized evacuation pathways, an informal network of female judges, lawyers, and volunteers sprang into action from their bedrooms and kitchens. How did they work across time zones and make coordinated efforts at a time when the international diplomacy broke down?

It’s one of the most remarkable examples of grassroots international cooperation I’ve ever encountered. There was no command center. There was no official structure. Instead, there were volunteers spread across Europe, North America, Australia and elsewhere.

People worked almost continuously because someone was always awake somewhere in the world. A volunteer in London might hand over to someone in Washington, who handed over to someone in Sydney or Wellington in New Zealand.

They created encrypted messaging groups, verified identities, checked passport details, searched for available flights, contacted embassies, negotiated with governments and reassured terrified families who were hiding from the Taliban.

Many of these women had never met one another.

It demonstrated something extraordinary: when governments move slowly, networks built on trust and professional solidarity can achieve remarkable things. It wasn’t perfect, and not everyone escaped, but hundreds of lives were saved because these individuals refused to accept that nothing could be done.

What were the most extraordinary logistical hurdles they faced in carrying out the rescue efforts? Any particularly risky rescue mission that stands out?

Every stage of this process involved life-or-death decisions. The first challenge was communication. The Taliban monitored phones and social media, so simply contacting people carried risks.

Then there was the practical reality of moving families across Kabul, and Afghanistan. Imagine travelling through multiple Taliban checkpoints while carrying children, elderly relatives and very few possessions, knowing your name may already be on wanted lists.

One story that stayed with me involved judges repeatedly attempting to reach the airport during the chaotic final days of the evacuation. They were turned back several times, forced into hiding, then tried again under cover of darkness.

Another extraordinary aspect was that many judges refused to abandon colleagues. They constantly shared information and have continued trying to help others long after they themselves had reached safety.

Perhaps the greatest logistical challenge was simply uncertainty. Flights were cancelled. Borders closed unexpectedly. Countries changed visa requirements overnight. Every successful rescue required dozens of people solving problems in real time.

It was an enormous humanitarian operation run largely through determination rather than formal authority.

The high-ranking Afghan judges had to start over as refugees with severe language barriers and loss of professional identity in foreign countries. How are they navigating this transition in their host countries, and how many still yearn to return to Afghanistan if conditions ever change?

The escape was not the end of their story, it was the beginning of a very different struggle.

These women had occupied some of the most respected positions in Afghan society. They had decades of legal expertise, authority and responsibility. Suddenly, many found themselves unable to practice law because their qualifications weren’t recognized or because they didn’t speak the language fluently.

That loss of professional identity was deeply painful. Many describe feeling as though they had lost not only their country but also the purpose that had defined their lives.

Yet their resilience and resourcefulness are amazing.

Many are learning new languages, retraining, studying law, working with universities, supporting refugee communities or contributing to international human rights organizations. Others are campaigning to keep attention focused on Afghanistan and documenting human rights abuses.

Almost every judge I’ve interviewed says the same thing: if Afghanistan once again became a country governed by law and where women could serve safely, they would return without hesitation. Their exile is not a rejection of Afghanistan. It is an enforced separation from the country they dedicated their careers to serving.

What are some critical lessons that the collapse of Afghanistan’s legal system offers to other constitutional democracies regarding the fragility of judicial independence and the protection of women’s rights?

One of the central lessons is that the rule of law is far more fragile than we often imagine. For 20 years, Afghanistan built courts, trained judges, educated lawyers and developed legal institutions. Many people assumed those institutions were permanent. In reality, institutions only endure if there is sustained political commitment to defending them.

The second lesson is that women’s rights are often among the first casualties when democratic systems weaken. The Afghan women judges weren’t targeted simply because they were women. They were targeted because they represented the idea that women could exercise authority, interpret the law and hold powerful men accountable.

Another lesson is that judicial independence depends on more than constitutions and legislation. Judges need practical protection, international support and functioning institutions. Without those safeguards, even the most courageous judges become vulnerable.

Finally, I think the story reminds us that democracy isn’t self-sustaining. It relies on thousands of individuals who quietly uphold democratic values every day.

The women in Escape from Kabul defended those values until the very last moment. Their story isn’t only about Afghanistan. It’s a reminder to every democracy that rights can never be taken for granted, and that defending the rule of law requires constant vigilance.

The timing wasn’t coincidental. Attracted by cricket at Lords and the Wimbledon fortnight, Indians flocked to London in July, many looking to buy art, boosting demand from the South Asian diaspora. But it must break records for Sotheby’s and Christie’s both to open major exhibitions within three days of each other and then for the Victoria and Albert Museum to unveil sculptures by a leading Indian artist.

The auction houses are reflecting the current boom in South Asian modern art that has been evident in London with numerous exhibitions. Sotheby’s show is mostly for sale, while Christie’s, which is only for display, is a stepping stone for Delhi’s Kiran Nadar Museum of Art to become a leading international institution.

Called The Meeting Ground, it is the latest in Christie’s annual summer series and is probably South Asian art’s most substantial and wide-ranging display ever held in the UK. With a total of 180 works by 67 artists, it beats the 1982 Contemporary Indian Art exhibition at the Royal Academy of Arts that was held as part of the UK’s Festival of India with 45 artists and 133 works.

“International engagement is a pillar of our vision, opening up new frameworks for dialogue and scholarship,” says Kiran Nadar, the museum’s founder.

The V&A motivation is more prosaic. Its South Asian gallery is closed for renovation till 2028, so it will be staging regular exhibitions to bridge the gap. It is showing four sculptures by Bharti Kher, a prominent Indian artist, who was born in south London and lives between here and Delhi.

Her newest work, Gaia, that was completed this year, has the prime spot of the V&A’s entrance courtyard. Described as a hybrid Mother Earth goddess, Gaia stands four meters high and depicts a female warrior with a house on her head, inspired by small clay sculptures known as Gulu figurines that are displayed in South Indian homes during festivals.

In the main sculpture gallery (access free), three of Kher’s works blend casually but strikingly with centuries old, mostly white, revered monuments, busts and statues. One of the three, Ghost (2024), shows a translucent shroud or sari enclosing a female figure.

Animus Mundi (2018), which was included in the artist’s large exhibition that ran in Wakefield’s Yorkshire Sculpture Park till April last year, is an armless female body with a buffalo head. The oldest work, the Golden Warrior with Cloud and Shield (2008), stands triumphantly at the end of the gallery looking both powerful and fragile.

“Sculpture is an animist force with energy,” says Kher, who describes such figures as “mythical urban goddesses, creatures who came out of femininity and the idea of womanhood”.

Christie’s handed all its Mayfair headquarters’ galleries to five of the KNMA’s curators led by Akansha Rastogi, an associate director, who worked with Damian Vesey, Christie’s South Asia head in London.

The works, dating from 1950, were transported from Delhi and will return there after the exhibition closes on August 21. About 50% of them have not been seen publicly since they entered Nadar’s collection.

Nadar started buying art in 1990, and the KNMA was established in 2010. A new museum with over 1m sq ft (approx 93,000 sq meters) of space is being built near Delhi airport, transforming what started as a personal hobby into an internationally significant institution.

“The vision is to have South Asian art on a global platform, making it accessible to all, not just in South Asia but globally,” explains Deepanjana Klein, KNMA’s acquisitions and development director, who earlier headed the subcontinent at Christie’s. The new museum would be the world’s “greatest South Asian art institution,” and the Christie’s exhibition was part of an effort to “build an international audience”.

The exhibition consists of five interconnected scenes tracing “themes of memory, migration, labor, borders, body and camaraderie” with works ranging from modern and contemporary to folk and tribal.

At the start, aside from a large and colorful gallery of the most famous auction-topping artists such as M.F. Husain and F.N. Souza, there is a sense of rebellion against destruction of human habitats, demonstrated in various ways (images above).

Montages of photos by Gauri Gill overlaid with ink drawings by Rajesh C. Vangad show scenes such as Factory and River (above) that depicts an industrial complex encroaching on indigenous peoples’ land. Sudhir Patwardhan, a well-known chronicler of Mumbai life, has his The Clearing (2007) on show, depicting open land being swallowed by the relentlessly expanding urban sprawl.

Other artists follow a similar theme which includes Warli indigenous art from Maharashtra. That blends in another part of the exhibition with Gond tribal art from Madhya Pradesh, notably by the most famous Gond, Jangarh Singh Shyam.

Christie’s displays various artists in each gallery to develop its themes, whereas Sotheby’s focuses on a single artist in each of its sections.

Called The South Asia Edit, Sotheby’s has works for sale by five famous artists that span painting, printmaking, sculpture and ceramics, plus four works that are not for sale by Souza, the famous Progressive, from the respected but rarely seen Alkazi Collection in Delhi.

Souza’s dominant work is Crucifixion (1984), a 93in x 54in acrylic on canvas. He has painted this subject several times and he is usually seen as a critic and angry rebel against the Roman Catholic Church, in which he was raised in Goa.

He has, however, given himself a religious role as the priest serving communion in Crucifixion, with his hands showing the wounds of Christ hanging on the cross behind. One interpretation is that this shows Souza’s more tolerant view of religion later in his life, though his face has a rather questioning look that, as one would expect, contrasts and maybe lacks respect for what is happening.

The works of four of the other five artists come from their estates’ collections, providing strong provenance since they will have never been to the market. The artists are India’s Bhupen Khakhar and Mohan Samant, along with husband and wife Zahoor ul Akhlaq and Sherezade Alam from Pakistan whose works have been curated by Amrita Jhaveri of Jhaveri Contemporary. Then there is Indian-American Zarina with works from various private collections.

The focal point for Bhupen Khakhar, India’s most prominent gay painter, is an untitled 36in x 36in oil on canvas (1988). Believed to be priced at £2m, it depicts in classic Khakhar style two men embracing with a rural landscape in the background.

More interesting though is a fascinatingly wide range of Khakhar’s drawings, etchings and prints that have never been seen before, many but not all with gay themes.

The works by Mohan Samant include the artists’ famous music and dance series, while Zarina has a range of printmaking, collages, and sculpture using handmade paper, woodcuts mixed with pewter and gold leaf. Sheherazade Alam’s show consists of 32 small ceramics while Zahoor ul Akhlaq has a range of brightly colored acrylics and other works.

Manjari Sihari-Sutin, who heads South Asian art at Sotheby’s suggests that a for-sale exhibition gives buyers, including top collectors, a chance to acquire instantly instead of maybe losing at an auction. For sellers, prices could be higher because estimates were often pitched low in auction catalogues to draw in bidders.

This has been a hectic five weeks of Indian and other South Asian art in London. It followed on from a Saffronart auction in April, when two Indian tycoons created an $18m record for a single Indian work of art at auction, and began with Christie’s $25m sale of the Bengal-based Goodricke collection by the Camellia group.

Next came the opening of the Anish Kapoor exhibition at the Hayward Gallery and then the London galleries’ weekend splurge of events along with an opening at the Hepworth Gallery in Wakefield. Now there are these high profile and wide-ranging exhibitions that are notable, like the galleries’ weekend, for the growing recognition of work from Pakistan and other parts of South Asia as well as India.

John Elliott is Asia Sentinel’s South Asia correspondent. He blogs at Riding the Elephant. He is the author of IMPLOSION: India’s Tryst with Reality

“There’s a storm coming,” Police Superintendent Killian Tong is warned in City on Fire, Simon Elegant’s third novel, “and Hong Kong will look very different when it’s over.”

Storm or fire? Whichever apocalypse one prefers, Hong Kong is well into it on the story’s first page.

It’s the summer of 2019. The pro-democracy Umbrella Movement, which got worldwide sympathy a few years earlier with images of middle-aged baldies and students fending off police water cannons with umbrellas from golf courses and 7-11s, has evolved into something more vicious and violent. The state response, especially through the new paramilitary Special Tactical Squad, is even worse. Little tragedies start occurring on a regular basis and it all seems headed to a big one like Tiananmen.

One little tragedy involved Killian, a second-generation British policeman. At a demonstration, a protester took a swing at him with a pole. Killian raised his pistol in the air but another protester pulled it down. The pistol discharged, killing the first protester.

He’s on administrative leave pending an investigation, dealing with guilt and PTSD with his dog in an abandoned police station on Deep Bay, which separates Hong Kong from the mainland city of Shenzhen. In the 1960s, desperate refugees swam across the shark-infested bay to flee to British Hong Kong, and Shenzhen was farmland.

“In the space of a few decades, the obscure Chinese county town had transformed itself into to Hong Kong’s upstart younger sibling,” Elegant writes. “Now it was daaigo, the elder brother. The boss, though most Hong Kongers hadn’t clocked that yet.”

It’s one of the quirks of action stories that when a character is suspended from duties, he reliably manages to get into major trouble, often of a highly significant nature.

A corpse has been found without head, limbs, or genitals in a landfill nearby. The force is stretched thin. “The cockroaches are going crazy tonight,” a colleague explains. “Demos everywhere.” Killian has to lead the murder investigation.

But there are two special circumstances. The murder must be kept secret, ostensibly to avoid inflaming a public that would assume it to be an extrajudicial killing by police. Secondly, it has to be solved before a major announcement about Hong Kong’s National Security Law.

While not exactly a spoiler, a thematic clue to this murder comes from where the body was discovered: on a landfill composed of garbage. “The detritus of urban life: doorless refrigerators; rusting air conditioners; kitchen cabinets covered in a thick layer of nicotine-brown grease from years of stir frying…” A scavenger on the site suffers from a boil on his shoulder and his t-shirt is “soaked with pus.” Killian’s squad car has garbage dumped on it, a sign of contempt for the “garbage police.”

It’s a city of slime. “The reek of decay hung in the air,” Elegant writes. Corruption, both private and public—ultimately at the very highest level—is the solution to the murder mystery.

As he criss-crosses Hong Kong investigating the murder, Killian is also dealing with a family crisis. His younger stepsister Jun has been radicalized and the authorities are watching her—along with everyone else. “There are already five, maybe six hundred thousand cameras,” a colleague explains to him. “In another year there’ll be a million…We have the whole city under surveillance. Every person who is considered a threat is tagged orange or red. A little rectangle appears above their heads when they show up on our screens. Red is for arrest immediately.”

Jun is flashing orange.

The siblings are trapped on ever-receding political positions—peaceful protests for democracy becoming anarchic violence, protecting and serving transforming into political oppression—and much of the tension comes from wondering how their conflict will be resolved.

Though on the opposite pole, Killian grows to appreciate the protesters.

“My generation would have said their only duty was to themselves and their families,” he muses. “It was then I realized how much Hong Kong had changed. It wasn’t the money-grubbing, materialist refugee city that was our default image of ourselves. Somehow, we’d become a people who were ready to fight for their freedoms. Ready to sacrifice.”

Jun does eventually have to make a sacrifice, though not the ultimate one.

Elegant’s first novel, A Chinese Wedding, was an exploration of a claustrophobic cross-cultural marriage in Hong Kong, where he was born and partly raised. His second, A Floating Life, was expansiveness itself. An invented picaresque memoir by Tang Dynasty poet Li Po, it offered the warp and weft of everything Chinese: smells, superstitions, Confucian conformism, mystical Taoism, brigandry, astrology, and how to trap songbirds. Not to mention classical poetic forms and viscous camel urine. Li Po embodies China’s Golden Age, and Elegant dragged him through the low of sloshing through pig feces to a vertiginous flight on the back of an eagle.

City on Fire is being marketed as a “taut thriller,” and Elegant takes to pulp conventions with gusto. Sentences chug along on a series of threes, like the book’s first: “Light flooded into the room and Killian bolted upright, heart hammering, gasping.” Bigwigs with dubious ethics flick specks of dust off bare, polished desktops. Frustration manifests itself familiarly—”Killian reached down and picked up his coffee cup, cradling it, then, without thinking, hurled it against the wall”—as does fear: “Jun felt the icy clutch of doubt on the back of her neck.” A first look at the book’s chief heavy tells all. “Rivulets of sweat ran down the side of his face and into his T-shirt, molding it around his bulging deltoid muscles. His eyes were small in that big, glistening head, flat, black shards.”

But the book’s subtitle is “A novel of Hong Kong,” and it works as a literary novel about a historical turning point told through characters whose futures depend on it. The Hong Kong portrayed in City on Fire is filthy and very dark, but ultimately not without hope. “It was going to be a long, long night,” Elegant writes. “But Hong Kong would survive. And thrive. And be free again. Maybe not this year, or the next. But one day soon.”

The spread of South Asia’s modern artistic talent in Pakistan and Bangladesh as well as India is being demonstrated in the region’s current art boom that has led to a record activity in London this summer. Events have spread from small venues to Tate Britain, Christie’s and Sotheby’s.

This underlines London’s central role that is evident, not just in auctions generating record prices for individual artists, but in the demand for private sales and in not-for-sale exhibitions.

Following the past month’s major £19m Christie’s auction of the Goodricke tea estate’s collection, and the opening of the Hayward gallery’s Anish Kapoor exhibition, Christie’s and Sotheby’s auction houses both have their first non-auction exhibitions next month.

Shows by many other galleries are under way, almost all leaving aside the famous Progressive group of artists that dominates the top end of auctions.

The latest to open is Sakshi from Mumbai at London’s Mall Galleries, while Delhi-based Vadehra has a show at the Frieze in Mayfair, and Mumbai’s Jhaveri Contemporary opened an exhibition at its small private Kensington gallery last week. London galleries with exhibitions include the Victor Miro in Islington, the Grosvenor in Mayfair, and Tate Britain. Outside London there are exhibitions in Wakefield and Bradford, both adaptations of London shows last year.

Many of these exhibitions are aimed at buyers making a mid-summer visit from India and looking for art deals that they might continue negotiating when they return home. Some of the artists and galleries have also been at this year’s Venice Biennale where India had a substantial presence.

Called Unfolding Narratives, Sakshi’s week-long show celebrates the Mumbai gallery’s 40th anniversary and precedes a bigger institutional exhibition in London next year.

Six contemporary artists – Amit Ambalal, Manjunath Kamath, Ravinder Reddy, Rekha Rodwittiya, Shine Shivan and Surendran Nair – reflect the traditions of tribal art by telling stories in a modern setting. “The narrative becomes fertile ground for playful reflection, speculation, autobiographical impulses, feminist resistance and socio-political critique,” says Geetha Mehra, the gallery’s founder and director.

Reddy is perhaps the most widely known with large scale brightly coloured sculptures of heads and female figures. Sakshi says they span secular and sacred crossroads. Reddy told me when we met at the Jaipur literature festival in January that he started by shunning modern sculpture, which was “alien” to him. Instead he looked at folk, tribal and temple art for inspiration, as well as art from places like Egypt, South America and elsewhere.

Other works include Ambalal’s fun depictions of animals including a happy elephant with a bouquet of flowers. Rekha Rodwittya, whose works have been described as “strong, politically vigilant feminist”, has two large water-colours over digital prints, one titled Home is Wherever You Are. Her partner Surendran Nair has striking human figures with distorted animal heads. All three are from Gujarat that is celebrated for its Baroda school of art.

At Jhaveri, Sabrina Tirvengadum, a deaf British Mauritian artist of Indian origin based in London, has works that stem from her family’s history as indentured labour. Using AI and digital printing with collages, she reimagines old family photographs into works that she produces in runs of five. (She was featured on May 9 in the FT Weekend Magazine).

Titled A singular Modernist, Vadehra is showing large paintings, drawings and sculptures by A. Ramachandran, a prolific artist who died in 2024, and is known for his rural and tribal focus on Rajasthan. Uma Nair, a leading Indian art critic, says that “the colours, the odhinis and turbans, dhotis and lehengas and lush tropicana and insects and lotuses all celebrate fauna and flora”. Also at the Frieze is a group show by the Mumbai gallery Project 88.

Two leading artists, American-Pakistani Shahzia Sikander and N.S.Harsha from Mysore in Karnataka, are on show at the Victoria Miro gallery.

All the works by Harsha, who is represented by Mumbai’s Chemould Gallery, are believed to have been placed with collectors. His intricate, large-scale paintings mix Indian miniature traditions with contemporary imagery including people at work in the fields of Karnataka, along with another popular theme of small lamps.

In an exhibition titled High Seas; Closed Skies the works by Lahore-born Sikandar are dominated by a powerful nine-minute animation called 3 to 12 Nautical Miles. This joins the popular negative theme of empire, trade and migration that was the focus of an animation at the Singh Twins exhibition in Kew Gardens six months ago.

Started in 2015 (before the Singh Twins’ work), it is based on hand-painted images and traces the “entangled histories” of the British East India Company, the Mughal Empire and Qing dynasty along with “colonial extraction, the opium trade and contested sovereignty”. Drawing on miniature painting traditions, Sikander questions “power, identity and historical memory while offering poetic visions of resilience and renewal”.

Mohammed Z. Rahman, a young British-Bengali artist, has a small innovative exhibition at Tate Britain titled Never the Same. It consists of two collections of small paintings, enclosed in open-sided timber framed pavilions, based on two works already in the Tate collection. One pavilion titled The Spaghetti House starts with a story the artist created with his six-year-old niece and continues the spaghetti theme inside. The Lovers starts with six people in a tight embrace and continues with a love and creation theme.

Grosvenor Gallery in Mayfair will be showing paintings by Pakistani artist Jamil Naqsh, who is best known for his figurative oil paintings of women with pigeons, from next week.

In Wakefield, there is a continuing exhibition at the well-known Hepworth Gallery of 150 works by Mrinalini Mukherjee and four other leading women sculptors. This moves on from a Mrinalini retrospective in London’s Royal Academy of Arts (RA) at the end of last year.

Titled Mrinalini Mukherjee: Unbound Forms – Women Sculptors of India and Bangladesh, it places Mrinalini, who died in 2015, with two other Indian Bengalis – her mother Leela and Meera Mukherjee (no relation) along with Novera Ahmed from Bangladesh and Pilloo Pochkhanawal from Maharashtra

The focus is on Mrinalini’s massive hanging textile sculptures and other striking bronze works. There are also drawings, etchings and watercolours, plus Ahmed’s sculptures. Here and elsewhere in the exhibition there is a backdrop of a strong green wall reminiscent of Bangladesh’s national colour, though officially it was chosen to set off the bronze sculptures.

The star piece, which was also at the RA, is Pakshi, Mrinalini’s iconic 7ft high suspended sculpture of voluminous golden-brown to pinkish red knotted hemp resembling both a deity and a human figure. Some people find works such as this one disturbing; others see sensuality and eroticism or spirituality. It is dramatically set off by larger bronze sculptures that Mrinalini worked on in her final years.

“They were five pioneers of modern art, working in the same direction in terms of craft traditions, spirituality, eroticism and the natural world,” says Laura Smith, the co-curator and Hepworth’s artistic director. “This constellation of interests and techniques is present across all of the work on show, from Mrinalini’s approach to macrame [knotting], the erotic, mythologies and nature, to Meera’s use of very traditional casting techniques and Pilloo’s incorporation of natural materials.”

In Bradford, 20 miles north of Wakefield the works of young contemporary artists from across South Asia are on show, following on from an exhibition at SOAS in London last year. This has drawn attention from the local Pakistani diaspora that makes up 25% of city’s population.

The co-curator, Manmeet Walia, told the BBC that Bradford’s history as the wool capital of the UK led to the inclusion of textiles that had helped increase the number of South Asians visiting the gallery “to explore their shared history”.

Next month’s exhibitions by Sotheby’s and Christie’s will be the first time that the two top international auctioneers have held coinciding exhibitions in London. They follow a large selling exhibition at Philips auction house last year. Both start within three days of each other in mid-July.

Christie’s announcement came first, a month ago, saying it would be displaying not-for-sale works acquired by Kiran Nadar, India’s foremost collector, for her expanding museum activity in New Delhi.

Sotheby’s followed this week, saying it would have works by six famous artists spanning painting, printmaking, sculpture and ceramics. Most will be for sale: those that are not will include works by F.N. Souza, a leading Progressive, from the Delhi-based Alkazi Collection of Art.

Also underlining the role of London is AstaGuru, a Mumbai based online auctioneer, opening an office and small gallery in South Kensington and showing works by Krishen Khanna, a leading member of the Progressives. It generated auction sales of approximately $14m this month. Market leader Saffronart, which has had a gallery in Mayfair since 2008, had $11m sales, while London-based Bonhams had a live £2.1m auction.

A new book by Japanese physician Dr. Tomoaki Takei, The Life Expectancy Gap Trap, takes up a subject that is becoming increasingly important in aging societies: how ordinary people can avoid bad medical choices and build a more reliable relationship with the right doctor.

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Indian-born, British sculptor Anish Kapoor has hit the headlines with a dramatic exhibition at London’s Hayward Gallery that includes three massive red sculptures and over 80 other works, many creating the enigma and uncertainty for which the artist is famous.

This is the second solo exhibition at the Hayward for Sir Anish, 72, who has a rarely-mentioned British knighthood and is one of the world’s most famous and financially successful sculptors.

It opened last week and is a magnificent and rare return to the Hayward by the artist after his first solo show there in 1998, Twenty years earlier, when he was only 24, he had participated just after he left art college in a group show titled New Sculpture with an early version of his 1000 Names piles of coloured pigments

The Hayward is one the most grim examples of Britain’s 1960s grey concrete architecture and Kapoor invades it with his strong red works. You can view them either simply as interesting visual compositions, or delve into the artist’s sometimes troubled thinking, with the aura of enigma constantly present.

The entry to the exhibition, through one of the Hayward’s insignificant small doorways, presents the immediate shock of a bright red inflated bulbous PVC membrane. Called All of Nothing and completed this year, it fills half the huge room (below), reaching up six metres to the ceiling.

There are more massive shocks in red later – a monumental installation sprawling across a room suspended from the ceiling, and another built up like a mountain from the floor, though Kapoor told the Art Newspaper: “Just because a thing is big, it doesn’t mean it’s of any interest or even good”. All three go beyond what is usually thought of as a sculpture, each filling an entire section of the Hayward.

Ralph Rugoff, who curated the exhibition and has just retired after 20 years as the gallery’s director, talked at the media preview about the PVC membrane as “this enormous bulging object….almost kissing the sides of the gallery”. It was “almost in an intimate relationship with this brutalist architecture and a love letter to this brutalist building”.

He added that it was “an enigma that you can’t see the whole thing because it blocks your way, you can’t walk around it .…squeezed by this brutalist corset”. Kapoor has echoed the thought, talking about “the body being pushed into a particular relationship between the architecture and the object that’s very important”.

In the floor above the bulbous All of Nothing, hangs what looks like an upside-down mountain suspended weirdly from the ceiling (below), creating the feeling up close of being smothered in a cave. Completed in 2022 and called Mount Moriah at the Gate of the Ghetto, it defies gravity as it plunges down to just a few inches above the gallery’s floor tiles.

The title refers to the place where, in the Bible, God told Abraham to sacrifice his son Isaac. Art critics have interpreted the work as a mountain running red with blood as if the sacrifice had happened. “A pendulous mass of engorged scarlet and black paint on silicone, it crashes to a tip from the ceiling. An inverted mountain, the world up ended? Or cascading internal organs and raw flesh, the biblical sacrifice not averted?” suggests the FT.

On one side are three red inflatables, seemingly bulging up from the floor below as huge bags of blood. On the other side are three sacrifice sculptures wrapped in PVC “resembling body bags bursting with butchered human remains”.

Next, on a floor above, is Ha Makom (two images below), which means both Place and God in Hebrew. (Kapoor was born in 1954 in Mumbai to a Jewish mother of Iraqi descent and a Hindu father).

“It’s a very big pigment piece and it is a very emphatic, insistent red made of bits that all sit in relation to each other,” he says. “So, what am I after? I’m after red, of course, in a very particular mood, but also otherness, the sense of this being, if you like, somewhere else, something else,” he adds, more enigmatically.

The Hayward says that the exhibition “highlights the artist’s ongoing exploration of perceptual illusions, including seemingly depthless ‘void’ works and sculptures coated with Vantablack, a light-absorbing nanotechnology so black it makes three-dimensional forms appear entirely flat when seen head-on”. The works “interrogate what Kapoor calls ‘the space of the object’, inviting us to look twice and question how we experience our environment.”

Large-scale mirrored steel sculptures stand on the Hayward’s outdoor terraces, creating reflections that distort the gallery’s rough concrete walls and London’s skyline, along with images of people viewing the works, often upside down.

I first saw Kapoor’s sculptures at London’s Royal Academy in London in 2009 and then again in Delhi and Mumbai in 2010. There was more explicit active violence in those exhibitions.

In an installation called “Shooting Into The Corner“, an iron canon shot sticky chunks of red wax across a room repetitively every 20 minutes. In Mumbai, then marking the second anniversary of devastating terror attacks, this was seen by some as symbolic of repetitive shooting and the horrors of terrorism.

In London, a massive, tracked train-like block of blood-red wax, weighing more than 20 tonnes, squeezed its way through doorways linking galleries in the Royal Academy. Some saw that as a references to the Holocaust trains that carried WW2 Jewish prisoners to death camps.

Now the active violence has been replaced with more thunderous static sculpture, which provoke thought about what has been created, so I asked Kapoor what had changed?

He replied that the violence of the 2009 work was specific to it and its context, which seems to have been to symbolise violence and tension in art-making and explore the paradoxical relationship between destruction and creation. “I carry on making my work in other ways,” Anish added. “What remains constant is a preoccupation with colour, form, and non form”.

Kapoor was born in Mumbai (then Bombay) in 1954. London has been his main home since the 1970s, though he has properties in New York and the Bahamas. He was educated at The Doon School, known as India’s Eton, and then went to London’s Hornsey College of Art and Chelsea School of Art. Providing aid for displaced and homeless communities is one of his main charitable activities.

He still shows mixed reactions to his Indian origin, as he did 16 years ago. “I have always refused to be referred to as an Indian artist,” he said in the latest issue of the Apollo art magazine. “What’s important to me is to be referred to as an artist. I happen to be of Indian origin but that’s not my purpose”.

He was relaxed and happy doing endless interviews at the media preview. When I asked him if his Indian roots influenced his current work he said, “I am Indian, so I hope so, on much of my work. India is complex and my work is complex”.

John Elliott is Asa Sentinel’s South Asia correspondent. He blogs at Riding the Elephant.

A new compendium edited by respected Tibetan scholar Vijay Kranti and published by VK media group for the Centre for Himalayan Asia Studies and Engagement (CHASE), comprises nearly 60 essays by 39 leading experts on Tibet and China, reiterating the spirit of independence of a subjugated people. Its central thesis is that China, rather t…

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A rare auction with the entire 93 lots coming from a single collection produced record sales totaling £18,91 million (US$25.37 million) at Christie’s in London yesterday. On offer was what is known in the art world as the Goodricke Collection, a name long connected with Calcutta and t…

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In less than a month, an indie film with an unknown cast became China’s second-highest grossing film of 2026. Dear You, with a modest budget of CNY 14 million (US$2.06 million), earned CNY 1.5 billion (USD 221 million) at the box office by June 5 after being released nationwide on May 3.

Its success is surely causing some consternation in Beijing. As Xi Jinping calls on media professionals to share the uplifting messages of China’s modern development through what he dubs “positive energy,” Dear You centers on protagonists eking out a living amid the poverty and disorder of the 1940s. And as the government promotes the nationwide usage of Mandarin, the film is done entirely in Teochew, a regional Guangdong dialect that few elsewhere in the country understand.

What explains its nationwide success? Viewers shed plenty of tears as they follow a series of remittance letters sent between the husband in Thailand and his wife awaiting his return at their home village. Each details the travails Chinese emigrants faced in their host society, and the longing for the family that they cannot return to. The reality of being hurt and dying all alone in a foreign land amidst the increasingly desperate calls to “come home” tug at the heartstrings of an audience aware that they are privileged enough that they need not leave in the first place.

Propaganda tool?

That inconsolable distance, however, produced not heartbreak, but dismay and suspicion among the Teochew-speaking viewers of Southeast Asia. The Singapore newspaper Lianhe Zaobao suggested that Dear You is an emotional device persuading the progeny of those original emigrants to see China as their homeland. Even though the film had no government involvement, its message inadvertently echoed the Chinese government’s message that the overseas Chinese “come home” and contribute to the mainland’s development.

The sentiment cannot simply be dismissed as paranoia, even if most of the region’s ethnic Chinese today, born and bred locally, no longer have any familial ties to China. As someone who left China at age 5, I also watched Dear You with discomfort. The film is fundamentally reductionist, presenting an extremely “clean” story of where the male protagonist’s allegiances lie in ways that I, and many other overseas Chinese I met, will perhaps never be able to have.

It highlights one extreme sentiment often expressed by the newest arrivals in the newest Chinese communities. Think of the smartphone seller in an African market town or the soybean farmer in the Russian Far East. Their personal success is almost completely reliant on China, in the form of suppliers, customers, and go-betweens that ferry goods, capital, and information between China and the host society. Economic dependence breeds emotional ties. These new emigrants want a wealthier, stronger China that can help their businesses and improve their social standing in the host society, in ways that can fend off unscrupulous locals, whether bribe-seeking officials, xenophobic neighbors, or contract-flouting partners. Dear You’s domestic audience can easily understand this perspective: living in China, they too see no reason not to want the best for where they live.

Split identity

But there is also an entirely different way for the overseas Chinese to think about social standing. Some see their acceptance hinged on outright signaling that they suffer no split loyalties and intend to contribute exclusively to the host society. They know that hostility arrives with suspicions of being a fifth column. Imagine the AI expert in Silicon Valley or the Taiwanese with big investments on the mainland. Whatever they originally felt about China, they need to verbalize their economic and emotional distance from it. And the more they publicize that distance to their families, friends, and professional networks, the distance becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy of sorts. Personal success that came from defining themselves as “not China,” buttressed with the evidence of ever-weakening familial ties to China, only entrenches the distance over time.

The overseas Chinese’s discomfort from watching Dear You ultimately comes down to the male protagonist being portrayed firmly in the former, without giving him the room and agency to shift, even if slightly, to the latter. By portraying the non-Chinese almost exclusively as antagonists, the film implicitly closes off the audience’s imagination that an overseas Chinese’s time abroad can be anything but a temporary sojourn to escape poverty and disorder back home.

Yet, this “we vs them” portrayal discounts the vibrant ties among different communities within any host society. In my travels, it is not rare to come across Chinese workers who planned for a few years in a foreign land, but ended up building entirely new lives when they married, had children, and became part of the non-Chinese community. This shift happens despite the opportunity cost of lost ties with people “back home” or further success that could be had by moving elsewhere. Could the male protagonist have naturally gone down this path over time? The film conveniently leaves that part unanswered.

The contrast between Dear You’s resonance at home and skepticism in the diaspora comes at a time when Chinese identity has become more fraught. The China of 1940s left elicited more sympathy than hostility. Being a fifth column for a country in civil war meant little to a much wealthier host society. That China gave few usable resources for emigrants seeking more success in business or higher social standings. But as China’s rise today drives up anxieties in host societies, the overseas Chinese pay a price. Many face a new sense of urgency in assuaging their non-Chinese friends, while pondering how China’s increasing economic sophistication can translate into their own. Like me, many are constantly remolding who they are to find balance. Dear You might elicit tears, but its absolutist view of the Chinese identity does little to help with that uncertainty.

Xiaochen Su, Ph.D. is a business risk and education consultant and a regular correspondent to Asia Sentinel. He has worked in several countries throughout Asia.

In his book How to Sell a Genocide (Pluto Press), media analyst Adam H. Johnson, who clearly delivers from the left side of the political spectrum, delivers a scathing critique of how U.S. corporate media not only enabled but at times outright incited one of the most devastating campaigns of mass killing in recent history—the destruction of Gaza. Johnson’s media and political analysis frequently appear in progressive publications like In These Times, The Nation and The Intercept.

Through rigorous, data-driven research analyzing thousands of news stories, broadcasts, and social media posts, Johnson reveals how major outlets, including The New York Times, CNN, and MSNBC, systematically whitewashed Israel’s war crimes, concealed America’s pivotal role as Israel’s primary military and diplomatic backer, and stripped Palestinian lives of their humanity by portraying them as unworthy of grief or protection.

The author exposes how propaganda machinery operated through selective empathy by centering Israeli suffering while erasing Palestinian deaths, hiding the scale of civilian casualties and destruction and the relentless circulation of state-approved falsehoods. He also documents the vilification of humanitarian aid workers and dishonest coverage of pro-Palestinian campus protests. Johnson argues that the genocide could never have continued for as long as it did without the active, unwavering complicity of the US media establishment, which spun a sanitized narrative of “self-defense” and made political settlement seem impossible.

In this interview with Asia Sentinel, the author talks about how US media actively enabled the killings in Gaza, how emotive, racialized words like “massacre,” “barbaric,” and “savage” were selectively applied to Israeli victims while Palestinian deaths were rendered in sterile, medical terms, despite Gaza’s civilian toll surpassing Israel’s within weeks.

Edited excerpts:

Your book analyzes over 12,000 articles and 5,000 TV segments to document U.S. media complicity in Gaza. Were there some specific patterns in your research, findings that convinced you that establishment media didn’t just report on but actively enabled, facilitated, and cheered on the genocide in Gaza?

The first and most obvious is the asymmetry of language in how they describe deaths. How death is covered is necessarily a proxy for humanity. And in our findings, we found that the killing of Israelis was routinely put in emotive and tabloid language, whereas the killing of Palestinians was put in sterile, almost medical terms.

Our analyses of cable networks and print media found a consistent double standard in the usage of the emotive terms “massacre,” “barbaric,” “savage,” and “slaughter” to describe the killing of civilians. By October 11, 2023, the civilian death toll in Gaza had passed that of the October 7 attack, but the rising death count and humanitarian crisis unfolding in Gaza did not get the sympathetic, emotive treatment afforded to the victims of the October 7 attack. By the end of our 100-day survey sample for print media on January 14, 2024, the official Palestinian death toll was roughly 24,000—with an estimated 70 percent of the victims being women and children. Nevertheless, over that 100-day survey period, the use of emotive words was almost entirely one-sided in favor of Israel.

You describe the pernicious role of Center-Left media as “moats of rationalization” in their coverage of the war in Gaza. Can you elaborate on what this means and how it played out in practice?

The basic concept for this model is the nonstop destruction of Gaza for months on end, the sheer brutality and one-sidedness of which was obvious from the onset, and that was impossible for any otherwise moral person to ignore outright. So an elaborate framework of excuse-making, deflection, faux-savvy realpolitik, orientalist tropes, and glaring double standards emerged to justify the Biden White House’s lockstep support for producing carnage everyone could easily witness across their social media timelines on a daily basis. Living in a world where our government, especially a Democratic president, could not possibly be supportive of such manifest cruelty, Moats of Rationalization emerged to allow the average media consumer—and media worker—to cope with the undeniable and untenable war crimes being carried out by their leaders before their eyes.

These Moats of Rationalization ran the spectrum from outright support for mass death to desperate liberal-left argument by Non Sequitur and argument by Trolly Problem The two most popular Moats of Rationalization, and most effective were, “Yes it’s Sad So Many Palestinians Are Dying But It’s Hamas’ Fault Because They Use Human Shields” and “Biden Is Helpless and Can’t Stop Israel Even Though He Wants To,” both which are thoroughly detailed—and debunked—in the book.

You note that loaded terms like “barbaric” and “savage”—which carry racialized connotations—were frequently used by US media when reporting on Hamas attacks. Why do you believe this loaded language was no accident, and how did it contribute to the dehumanization of Palestinians?

As Stafford Beer famously said, the purpose of the system is what it does. If racialized terms like “barbaric” and “savage” are exclusively used for racialized subjects like Palestinians and never for the military that slaughtered—at a minimum—20,000 children, then it’s fair to say the media is racist. What’s in their hearts is unknowable, but the outcome, the actual coverage, is quantifiably racist.

You also analyze some false narratives and fake news, such as the viral claim that Hamas was “beheading 40 Israeli babies,” which entered public consciousness and was repeated by American presidents. How did such false claims function as part of a broader PR campaign to obscure the antecedents of Palestinian violence?

The “beheaded babies” lie served a crucial, high-leverage function in the early weeks of the genocide. The primary goal in Washington and Tel Aviv was the removal of demands for a ceasefire from the realm of political seriousness. To do this, Hamas had to be indexed as a cartoon “terrorist” organization that kills solely for sadistic, antisemitic glee rather than being a militant group with any secular or political demands. Regardless of what one thought of their actual tactics, obviously, beheading dozens of babies would be an act of gratuitous sadism. But this story was, of course, not true, which anyone who knew anything about Hamas, and their own years-long battle against ISIS gangs in Gaza (many of which we now know were armed and backed by Israel), knew at the time. But it appealed to racist tropes about barbaric, asiatic hordes so it spread like wildfire then quietly walked back after it had served its primary, genocidal purpose.

You observe in the book that the consequences of widespread media complicity in the Gaza genocide are still not fully appreciated. Why do you think this is the case?

Because the liberal institutions that either explicitly supported the genocide or looked the other way in the first year—the Democratic Party, most universities, most nonprofits and cultural groups, The New York Times and CNN—are simply too big to fail. The genocide was bipartisan and the worst place to be in the world is on the business end of a bipartisan consensus in Washington. The only counter force pushing back against the bipartisan Zionist consensus is grassroots activists and, frankly, people’s common moral sense that the slaughter was wrong. But it had little to no institutional support, little to no money and so it could not stop the genocide. It failed, and those who backed and, in the context of the US State Department, expressly covered up the genocide, have since pivoted back into liberal think tanks, academia, and media as if nothing happened.

My conclusion, which predicted this, is proving to be correctly cynical. But large swaths of the West, as it were, see the insanity, the barbarism, the racism and remain very angry and frustrated over this. This frustration will be channeled into some type of political project; it’ll either be Tucker Carlson-type fascism or a coherent, non-sectarian left anti-imperialism. I fear, given the total impotence and nonprofit capture of the so-called “left” leaders in the US, the former is winning the moment and will, unfortunately, shape the outrage over the genocide in the coming years. This, of course, will do nothing to build long-term solidarity for Palestine and combat imperialism or Zionism but it will help sheepdog voters for JD Vance 2028 so there’s that. Basically, it’s playing out just like Jonathan Greenblatt wants it to play out.

How has the response been since the book’s publication, particularly from the mainstream press whose coverage of the Gaza genocide and Israeli actions you critique extensively in the book?

Mainstream press has entirely ignored the book and will likely continue to do so.

Could the current (and worsening) global energy crisis have one small silver lining: halting the advance of the monstrous regiment of sports utility vehicles (SUVs)?

Despite widespread advocacy by media and politicians in most countries—though notably less so in the United States—for energy savings, environmental protection, and public health, the past d…

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Octogenarian Indian tycoons in the pharma and consumer industries are believed to have been not only the buyer but also the seller of an oil on canvas (below) by Raja Ravi Varma, a famous and stylish 19th century artist, that set an unexpectedly high record price of nearly US$18 million for Indian art last week at a Sa…

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Broken incentives are draining talent from Japanese surgery, emergency care, pediatrics, and other essential fields into private aesthetic medicine in a silent but profound restructuring within the healthcare system. Historically, acquiring a medical license was viewed as a commitment to a lifetime of rigorous public service within hospitals. But today, a growing segment of young physicians is treating that same license as a highly specialized business degree.

The catalyst for this shift is a phenomenon known as Chokubi (direct-to-aesthetics)—the practice of junior doctors transitioning straight from their mandatory two-year residency into the lucrative, unregulated private aesthetic clinic sector – specialized, non-surgical, or minimally invasive medical procedures to enhance physical appearance, facial balance, and skin health via Botox or dermal fillers, laser treatments, chemical peels, and body contouring, often designed to reverse aging signs or improve skin texture.

The Japanese are highly receptive to aesthetic medicine, particularly non-surgical, low-downtime procedures, ranking fourth worldwide with a focus on subtle, natural-looking enhancements rather than dramatic transformations, with 70 percent of Japanese women aged 14-23 having had or wanting plastic surgery.

Eyelid surgery (double-lid) and facelifts are the most popular, with clinics emphasizing high-precision techniques, particularly in Tokyo. The market has been growing sharply in injectables and laser treatments, increasing by 174 percent between 2010 and 2019, driven by a focus on “natural” beauty, precision, and an aging population seeking rejuvenation.

While definitive nationwide data is difficult to aggregate given the private nature of these clinics, industry estimates suggest that upwards of 300 junior doctors annually are now bypassing essential clinical specialties in favor of aesthetic medicine. To place this in perspective, Japan’s Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (MHLW) Physician Statistics indicates an influx of roughly 9,000 new doctors each year.

Losing hundreds of these recruits annually represents a significant, compounding drain on the talent pool. The consequence is a hollowing out of what the Japanese medical community refers to as “gritty” clinical medicine—the high-stress, low-margin, yet socially vital fields like surgery, internal medicine, pediatrics, and emergency care.

The Economics of Cos-pa and Tai-pa

To understand this migration, one must examine the shifting values of modern Japanese professionals, which are increasingly defined by two concepts: cos-pa (cost-performance, or return on investment) and tai-pa (time-performance, or efficiency of time usage). The traditional path of a hospital surgeon—characterized by grueling on-call shifts, immense legal liability, and rigid hierarchies—offers notoriously poor cos-pa and tai-pa.

The economic reality driving this labor allocation is stark. In Japan, physician salaries within the public and semi-public hospital sectors are effectively capped by the government-controlled National Health Insurance (NHI) reimbursement rates. These rates artificially suppress the market value of complex, life-saving procedures. Conversely, a Chokubi doctor entering the unregulated, cash-pay aesthetic sector can easily command double the starting salary of a university hospital surgeon, while maintaining strictly 9-to-5 hours with zero on-call duties and significantly lower litigation risks. When viewed through a purely economic lens, the decision to pursue aesthetics is not a moral failing of the younger generation, but a highly rational response to a deeply flawed incentive design.

A Comparative Warning: The South Korean Paradigm

This structural vulnerability is not unique to Japan. South Korea provides a harrowing preview of the logical endpoint of these market dynamics. Both nations share a similar fee-for-service model under national health insurance frameworks, juxtaposed against intense societal pressures driving demand for aesthetic perfection.

In South Korea, the flight from essential fields recently culminated in a systemic crisis. As evidenced by OECD health data, while the overall density of doctors may appear adequate, the distribution is becoming perilously skewed. The concentration of specialists in essential medicine—such as pediatrics, obstetrics, and emergency care—is plummeting. The situation escalated dramatically in 2024 with massive medical strikes across South Korea, highlighting a system stretched to its breaking point. Young Korean doctors have been fleeing to what is colloquially known as “GP-Skin” (General Practitioner Skin Care), driven by the realization that the legal risk-to-reward ratio in essential public medicine has become entirely untenable compared to the lucrative, low-risk private aesthetic market.

Market Failure and the Loss of Public ROI

The Chokubi trend represents a classic market failure in the realm of public health. Medical education in Japan is heavily subsidized by the state; it is estimated that educating a single medical student costs the taxpayer tens of millions of yen. When these newly minted doctors immediately pivot to the private aesthetic sector, the public’s return on investment (ROI)—intended to manifest as a robust workforce providing essential healthcare—is fundamentally lost. Publicly subsidized training is effectively functioning as a pipeline for private, cash-pay enterprises.

Furthermore, essential clinical medicine relies heavily on a “master-apprentice” model of skill transference. As hundreds of doctors bypass this rigorous postgraduate training annually, the “middle management” layer of hospitals—the mid-career physicians who perform the bulk of surgeries and shoulder the burden of night shifts—is slowly evaporating. This skill gap threatens the long-term sustainability of acute care capabilities.

Strategic Interventions: Realigning the Incentives

Addressing this brain drain requires acknowledging that appeals to professional nobility are insufficient against overwhelming economic realities. Structural reforms are necessary to reclaim the profession and correct this misallocation of labor.

First, the NHI reimbursement rates require a drastic overhaul. The budget must be reallocated to significantly increase the financial value assigned to high-risk, high-stress procedures. Policymakers must make essential clinical practice competitive from a cos-pa perspective. Simultaneously, implementing robust “no-fault” compensation systems for high-risk specialties could mitigate the crippling fear of litigation that drives young doctors toward low-risk aesthetic fields.

Regulatory measures are also vital. Similar to discussions recently initiated in the MHLW’s Committee on the Appropriate Implementation of Aesthetic Medicine, Japan must consider establishing mandatory minimum requirements for general clinical experience—perhaps five years of service in essential fields—before a physician is permitted to practice independently in the unregulated aesthetic sector.

Finally, exploring mechanisms for economic redistribution is essential. Levying a targeted “social contribution tax” or licensing fee on highly profitable private aesthetic clinics could provide a dedicated funding stream to subsidize the training and salaries of surgeons and ER physicians, thereby internalizing the externalized costs of this medical brain drain.

The Chokubi phenomenon is not an anomaly; it is the predictable outcome of a system that financially penalizes its most essential workers. A society whose incentive structures reward the pursuit of beauty more reliably than the preservation of survival is a society courting a public health disaster. If Japan and nations with similar healthcare frameworks fail to align the economic realities of their physicians with the public good of their citizens, the dedicated, life-saving clinical doctor may soon become a casualty of market forces.

Tomoaki Takei is a physician at Koza Shibuya Tsubasa Clinic, Medical Corporation Tsubasakai.

With the growing popularity of mindfulness and meditation, as well as a steady stream of converts, it may seem on the surface that Buddhism is expanding around the world. But recent research paints a more complicated—and, at first glance, worrying—picture.

According to the latest analysis by the Pew Research Center, covering 201 countries and territories, Buddhists are the world’s only major religious group whose population declined between 2010 and 2020 despite the powerful charisma of the Dalai Lama, the highest spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism and global recognition as a figure of peace, and Buddhism’s rational self-help approach emphasizing inner peace, compassion, and mental discipline over dogmatic belief or divine authority.

In 2010, an estimated 343 million people identified as Buddhists globally. By 2020, that number had fallen to 324 million—a decline of roughly 5 percent. Over the same period, the global population grew by 12 percent, and all other major religious groups expanded in size. As a result, the Buddhist share of the world’s population dropped from 4.9 percent to 4.1 percent. Two major factors help explain this decline: demographics and religious switching.

Demographics

Demographic trends are not favorable to Buddhism. Nearly all Buddhists—98 percent—live in the Asia-Pacific region, with around 40 percent concentrated in five East Asian societies: China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. These regions tend to have older populations and lower birth rates. The median age of Buddhists globally is about 40, significantly higher than the global median of 31. Fertility rates among Buddhists are also low, averaging 1.6 children per woman—well below the replacement level of 2.1 needed to maintain population size.

As a result, between 2010 and 2020, the number of Buddhists in these five East Asian societies fell by approximately 32 million, or 22 percent.

The Problem of Definition

Yet the survey raises important questions—beginning with the issue of definition. Many people who engage deeply with Buddhist ideas and practices, especially in the West, do not formally identify as Buddhists. Mindfulness meditation, for instance, has been widely adopted in secular contexts, often stripped of religious labeling but rooted in Buddhist traditions. Similarly, Buddhism has long coexisted with other religious identities. It is not uncommon for individuals who identify as Christian or Jewish to privately draw on Buddhist philosophy. Such fluid and overlapping identities are difficult to capture in surveys that rely on fixed, either-or categories.

The China Question

There is also the question of China. Some estimates suggest that China alone may have hundreds of millions of people who engage with Buddhist beliefs or practices. Estimates of how many there actually range from 4 percent to 33 percent of its population, according to the Council on Foreign Relations, from 42 million to 362 million people. The Chinese Communist Party’s nearly 100 million members are required to be atheist, meaning any survey is likely to run into problems out of apprehension.

Measuring religious affiliation in China thus is notoriously difficult due to political sensitivities and restrictions on religious expression. Many individuals may be reluctant to identify themselves as religious in surveys, even if they participate in spiritual practices. If this undercounting is significant, it could substantially alter the global picture of Buddhism’s decline.

Religious Switching

Another key factor is “religious switching”—the movement of individuals away from the religion in which they were raised. According to the Pew Research Center, for every 100 adults raised as Buddhists, 12 convert to Buddhism later in life. Proportionally, this is a higher conversion rate than that of Christianity, Hinduism, or Islam.

However, Buddhism also experiences higher rates of disaffiliation. For every 100 people raised Buddhist, 22 leave the tradition, resulting in a net loss of 10 adherents. This trend is particularly pronounced in East Asia. In Japan, roughly half of those raised Buddhist no longer identify with the religion, while in South Korea the figure rises to six in ten. Thailand stands as an exception, where Buddhist identity remains largely stable.

The reasons for this shift are complex. In South Korea, the growth of Christianity has been driven in part by strong institutional networks and active evangelism. In Japan, the decline may reflect broader social changes, including weakening religious institutions and a disconnect between younger generations and ritual practice.

Transformation, Not a Decline

Taken together, these trends suggest not simply a decline, but a transformation. As a formal religious identity, Buddhism may indeed be shrinking. But as a system of thought—as mindfulness, ethics, and a way of understanding the mind—it appears to be spreading beyond traditional boundaries. In a world marked by the conflict we face today, with the Middle East plunged into unimaginable violence, Buddhist teachings of kindness and compassion encourage empathy, fostering ethical behavior and social harmony. Buddhism’s Middle Way offers a lifestyle that avoids the extremes of self-indulgence and severe austerity which are badly needed today. Its principle of interdependence reminds us that all life is connected.

What the data may be missing is precisely this shift: from belonging to practicing, from identity to experience. Buddhism, in this sense, is no longer something people simply inherit or declare. It is something they adopt, adapt, and live—often without naming it.

Tsering Namgyal is a Tibetan journalist and is author of three books including the novel “The Tibetan Suitcase,” a biography “His Holiness the 17th Karmapa Ogyen Trinley Dorje: A Biography” (reviewed here in Asia Sentinel), and other works.

Jonathan Cheng, the Wall Street Journal’s China bureau chief and former Korea bureau chief, graduated from Princeton University with a history degree and rose through WSJ’s ranks from Hong Kong intern to leading coverage of the Korean Peninsula. In between, he visited North Korea twice, in 2013 and 2017. His forthcoming book, Korean M…

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There were two stars during Delhi’s India Art Fair week earlier this month. One was Ai Weiwei, the leading Chinese dissident artist who was on his first major visit to the country. The other was Tyeb Mehta, possibly the most distinguished of India’s famous “modern” artists whose 100th birth anniversaries…

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British-Indian novelist and essayist Rana Dasgupta studied philosophy at Balliol College, Oxford, and earned a PhD at the University of Wisconsin-Madison before turning to writing. His debut collection, Tokyo Cancelled—a set of interconnected stories inspired by modern folktales—was published in 2005. This was followed by his novel Solo (2009), which chronicles a Bulgarian centenarian’s reflections on 20th-century upheavals and futuristic visions. The novel won the Commonwealth Writers’ Prize.

His 2014 nonfiction book on the impact of globalization on his adopted home city, Capital: The Eruption of Delhi, received the Ryszard Kapuściński Award, was shortlisted for the Orwell Prize, and nominated for the Ondaatje Prize.

Dasgupta’s most recent book, After Nations: The Making and Unmaking of a World Order (Allen Lane/Penguin, 2025), traces the evolution of the nation-state system—from ancient empires to today’s tech-driven crises. It “critiques failures in addressing migration, ecology, and inequality, urging a post-national reimagining of citizenship, law, and economy.”

In an interview with Majid Maqbool for Asia Sentinel, Dasgupta—whose writings explore themes of migration, inequality, and global systems across genres—discusses growing up between two cultures that have shaped his writing and reading life, and how thinkers and writers like Marx, James C. Scott, and Thomas Piketty have influenced his intellectual and literary outlook while critiquing imperialism, capitalism, and global power structures.

Edited Excerpts:

You grew up between two cultures in England, with Indian roots shaping your sense of the world. What kinds of books did you read as a child and adolescent, and how did those early reading experiences influence the writer—and reader—you later became?

Yes, my two cultures affected my outlook significantly. I was a British kid who didn’t fit entirely into the British story, but who certainly didn’t fit into the Indian story either. So I’ve always had some dissatisfaction with the grand stories nations tell about themselves. As an adolescent, I was particularly drawn to stories of outsiders - including Camus’s The Outsider. I loved Dostoevsky.

What are some works of nonfiction that have profoundly shaped your intellectual and literary outlook, particularly influencing your critiques of imperialism, capitalism, and global power structures?

I reached adulthood in the aftermath of Soviet collapse – during the triumph of Western liberalism and capitalism. But that era was very unconvincing. It was supposed to bring peace and freedom, but the opposite was true. I tried to understand why systems built on apparently peaceful principles could never in fact be peaceful. Marx, of course, was a touchstone. But also more recent thinkers such as James C Scott, who had a clearer understanding of state power, colonialism and ecology, and Thomas Piketty, who documented the decline of Western equality.

Your recent book ‘After Nations’ examines how the empire continues to economically and politically rewire Asia. During the research and writing of this book, which texts were most central in helping you develop and sharpen its arguments?

A major theme is international law: how international law has worked to perpetuate the power relations instituted during the period of European empire, and to stop nations from rising or falling in the economic hierarchy. A few books were essential in this: Antony Anghie’s Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge University Press, 2005), Katerina Pistor’s The Code of Capital (Princeton University Press, 2019), and Branko Milanović’s Global Inequality (Harvard University Press, 2016).

I feel the implications of Chinese power are also poorly understood, partly because our conversations are very short term. With his book, The Great Divergence, Kenneth Pomeranz began a very important conversation which has been taken up by such other fascinating writers as Peer Vries and Roy Bin Wong.

For readers engaging with your latest book, ‘After Nations’, are there other books or texts you would recommend as parallel or companion readings that can deepen understanding of the issues you explore in the book?

I feel strongly that we are victims, today, of the fact that our picture of the world is very artificial. We are bewildered by the world because our stories of it are fossilized, and have little to do with the world as it actually is. Some books which can correct this: Ntina Tzouvala’s Capitalism as Civilisation; David Graeber & David Wengrow’s, The Dawn of Everything.

In your nonfiction, especially in Capital, you’ve written powerfully about urban transformation and the lived experience of cities like Delhi. Any books or texts you found especially illuminating on cities, urban change, and modernity you’ve also explored in this book?

Mike Davis’ astonishing book, Victorian Holocausts, offered a perspective I wished I’d known about when I wrote Capital. It would have expanded my sense of the traumatic history of colonial urbanism. But after writing three books about cities, I think After Nations has increased my appreciation of the global countryside. One of the most serious charges against the modern nation-state system is that it has destroyed, not only our natural heritage, but also agrarian systems and cultures. Peasants, the upcoming book by my partner, Maryam Aslany, offers a crucial corrective to the urban bias which shapes almost all consideration of “modernity”.

Is there a lesser-known or under-read book that you feel captures the current moment of xenophobia, fragmentation, and global disorder particularly well?

I see the nation-state system as a mechanism for transferring resources from poor regions to rich ones, and for exporting war, poverty and ecological destruction in the opposite direction. In order really to understand what our world is about, it’s essential to look at Africa, which bears by far the deepest scars of this process. Read the Congolese novelist Jean Bofane, for instance.

Is there a recently published novel or work of nonfiction that you’ve found exceptional—one you would highly recommend for both its literary merit and the clarity of its insights?

Lyn Alden’s Broken Money. In much of the world, the inability of states to supply currencies in which populations may reliably store value and transact is another major problem of our present system. She offers a provocative but fascinating account. The ever-brilliant Lea Ypi has just come out with another book, a family memoir tracing the development of Balkan states out of the Ottoman empire - more wonderful insights into the making of our “world order”.

As a writer who reads across cultures and disciplines, what kind of reading do you find yourself drawn to of late, and how does it influence the direction of your future writing?

Like many people, I’m currently finding the world as it is very wearying. Partly in preparation for my upcoming novel, and partly because it is a relief to retreat to beauty and grandeur. I’m reading a lot of Jewish philosophy at the moment. Writers on Jewish mysticism of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It’s a new world to me, and thrilling.