| The Future of Southeast Asia's Royalty |
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| Written by Pavin Chachavalpongpun | |
| Monday, 12 October 2009 | |
 A survival primer for keeping your head and crown while others about you are losing theirs
Are Southeast Asia's monarchies still relevant in the 21st Century? In recent years, the demise of the 239-year old Shah Dynasty in Nepal indicates that the institution could be highly vulnerable if it appeared antagonistic toward democracy. In Southeast Asia, some monarchies have successfully entrenched their rule alongside democracy. Some are potentially becoming the target of annihilation. At present, four of 10 Southeast Asian nations endure various kinds of monarchy, ranging from absolute to constitutional and ceremonial. The deeply respected King Bhumibol Adulyadej remains the world's longest reigning monarch and the epicenter of the Thai political entity despite the political turmoil that has swept the country since the 2006 military coup that deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, allegedly at the hands of backers of the royalty. As the ageing monarch grows more frail, there are concerns about how the succession to the throne will be handled. In Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei has proven his resilience in upholding the legitimacy of his absolute reign in an era of surrouonding democratic nation-states. Cambodia's King Sihamoni, whose role is largely ceremonial, nonetheless plays a vital part in the construction of a Khmer national identity. Malaysia has a system of elective monarchy. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong is the highest ranking office created by the constitution of the federation of Malaysia. The current Agong is Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, the Sultan of Terengganu. As political turmoil has swept the country in the wake of 2008 elections that broke the ruling national coalition's two-thirds hold on power in the national legislature, the United Malays National Organization, the biggest ethnic party in the national coalition, has attempted to use a perceived lack of respect for the royalty by opposition leaders to whip up Malay sentiment against the opposition. Elsewhere in the world, monarchies have been perceived as a political anachronism in the face of the prevailing democratic institutions of government. In Southeast Asia, the vestiges of the bygone era ruled by kings and sultans have been able to survive the democratic era. But for how long? Thailand's prolonged crisis in which opposite factions have competed fiercely for ultimately the strengthening of their power position has further dragged the much-revered King deep into the political abyss. The Thai monarch could hardly escape being a casualty of the internal conflict simply because the political fault line was drawn on the growing resentment of the majority poor Thais who criticized the Bangkok elites for their despotic behavior. These elites have long claimed to represent the voice of the Thai monarchy. The Sultan of Brunei has so far demonstrated his ability to adjust itself to meet new challenges. He solidifies his legitimacy using the ideology of Melayu Islam Beraja which allows for the significant role of Islam at the state level. But this process is exclusive and is at risk of being rejected by its non-Muslim population. Indian scholar Sreeram Chaulia argues that the future of monarchies in Asia depends on the combination of their personal and political capabilities and how they transpire as a non-threatening factor to democracy. They reply much upon their ability to reinvent themselves at three levels: personal, national and international. At a personal level, the monarchs more than ever need to exhibit their increased accountability, transparency and responsibility as they live side-by-side with a democratic regime. In Southeast Asia, the concept of divine kingship has remained highly sacred. The Thai and Cambodian kings are supposed to perform as Buddhist Dhammarajas, or virtual kings, so as to augment their charisma, and subsequently reverence, from their subordinates. Likewise, the sultans have been exercising their royal authority based on Islam. The religious sanctity of the throne is indispensable for the existence of the monarchs. It unveils the close intertwining between kingship and religion, and if used wisely, it can enhance further the level of divinity of the monarchs. The abolition of the Nepalese absolute monarchy under the reign of Gyanendra Bikram Dev partly derived from the lack of his religious charisma and from the fact that he had come to the throne after his nephew, the crown prince, had murdered almost the entire royal family. At a national level, the monarchy's endurance is intricately related to its alliance with the military, as exemplified by the Thai military's role in bringing down Thaksin and making sure the deposed prime minister's Republican supporters didn't come to power and bring him back. Historically, the military was an obligatory defender of the royal institution. Past and present kings have sought to forge intimate alliances with armies. In fact, the military possesses a powerful mandate that often determines the lifespan of all kinds of regimes, be they monarchical, despotic or democratic. Central to the longevity of the monarchies is the loyalty of the military. Moreover, future monarchies need to work closely with fundamental political parties which represent dominant groups in society and are not necessarily royalists. Meanwhile, they are obliged to avoid being seen as the patrons of minority privilege, as this would further separate the throne from the majority middle to lower classes: if the majority's voice is heard, the king's position is safe. All these guides to longevity of the monarchies in Southeast Asia do not automatically offer a rosy picture for their future. New factors emerge periodically to challenge the integrity of their rule. Using illegitimate weapons, such as manipulating the legal system to fight against such challenges, may prove counterproductive. The monarchical system has been around for thousands of years. The ultimate key to the survival of the monarchical institution, therefore, rests on the way in which it acts and reacts in a complementary manner to the rising desire of the people for democracy. Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
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written by nike dunks , November 08, 2009  cool post report abuse
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louis vuitton
written by louis vuitton , October 22, 2009
I hate guns If no guns of everyone,the world maybe well.
Votes: +0
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Less majeste, not more
written by Atticus , October 18, 2009
Royals the world over are waking up to the fact that their contributions to society are minimal, but their costs are escalating. The Windsors are a bunch of freeloading layabouts who should be marched out of the palace and be forced to hand over all their ill-gotten wealth. The royals of European countries have long worked out that they have to be with the people, engaged and not parasitic. When you see the next generation of chinless Brit royals you know the end of the monarchy is foretold, as vomited outside nightclubs at 3am is not going to keep them in state funds. They are all so boring, as well.
Votes: +1
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The forgotten emporer
written by captain bluebeard , October 18, 2009
Hey ye nerds! You forgot the emporer of Singapore, LKY. He is going to offended if you miss him out. And you know what he will do if you snub him like that! While all of you were condemning the royalty of S.E.A he was quietly hoping that you won't notice him. Heck, he is the greatest of them all. None of the royalty of S.E.A. can match him for pompousness, super egoism and vindictiveness. Perhaps Dr Mahathir can match him. No wonder both of them dislike each other! Each trying to outdo each other and comparing how much money they have. Typical of despots all ove the world. I hope the author of this article will come out with an apology to LKY. Better do it, otherwise he will come for you with charges of slander.
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Feigned reverence
written by Gdaydigger , October 13, 2009
I find it disturbing how people continue to fawn over the Thai king and insist on using phrases such as "deeply revered" and "much revered". Whilst the king can in no way be compared to the legions of mendacious politicians of all persuasions and army strongmen that have spent decades lining their own pockets (often through complicity in the global drugs trade in the case of the latter), history will show (although not in Thai school textbooks I should add) the true extent of Bhumibol's meddling in Thailand's democractic process. His refusal to openly condemn -- or halt -- the draconian and increasingly 'catch-all' lese majeste laws that are being used to stifle dissent is a case in point.
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Why doesn't the Thai King die already???
written by Tom B. , October 13, 2009
I anxiously await the death of the King of Thailand. The country is not prepared to handle the accension of his successor (the prince is a vile person) and the favorite princess, while highly popular, is rather aloof to the happenings in country.
Votes: +7
With politics in a maelstrom as usual the convenient death of the King (which could be really soon considering his poor health) will most likely be the catalyst for a violent and indefinite political civil war in the country. Whenever it happens, I will be sure to watch the news and have a bag of popcorn available as I enjoy the chaotic entertainment in Thailand. (Also, I want to say hello to the Thai authorities that are reading and subsequently censoring this. You people have enough education to read english, but not enough integrity to allow freedom of speech in your country.) report abuse
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Yellow Peril!
written by Hang Emhigh , October 12, 2009
The royalties of Malaysia and Brunei got their colour from old China which recognised the old kingdoms in Southeast Asia by blessing it with China's royal yellow.
Votes: -1
China should play its card in the region by reminding the countries of their past that make the continuing royal present that it is, after all, China that ensured their continuity by allowing the rulers their place in the first instance. Chinese fleets in the past could have wiped out any opposition in the region but she chose to use (soft) diplomacy instead, a wise move. Today, as she cast a giant shadow over the region again, countries in Southeast Asia would be wise to play their cards right by recognising the fact that China would be the real regional superpower in the coming decades. The wise in the region would not go far wrong by 'jumping ship' and come back under China's fold. Some countries are already doing that. They could take the examples of the gulf states which are increasingly looking at and toward China to fulfill their need for survival. American adventurism, like those of the British, French and Dutch in the past have failed. China, with its different approach (as in Africa) can not but win friends in the region. report abuse
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Down with the all republics!!!, Lowly rated comment [Show]
Pirates forever
written by bluebeard , October 12, 2009
The royalties of Malaysia are descendants of pirates. Therefore they behave like pirates. Most of them have their hands soiled by blood. If not they stain every woman they meet with their secretions. Otherwise they are wont to bash up everyone they don't like. How can we love this beasts? The sooner these leeches are gone the better. They should be made to work for their money. The commoners now have to compete with royalty but the result is a foregone conclusion.
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written by Thai Political Prisoners , October 12, 2009
Readers might be interested in our comments on Pavin and his various stories of late. See http://thaipoliticalprisoners.wordpress.com/
Votes: +9
His comments in this story on the Thai monarchy are odd indeed. The monarchy wan't dragged into politics for it has been there all along. Indeed, the palace is at the centre of recent political conflicts. It didn't fall into this and wasn't pushed into it. It decided to be there. Pavin is peddling a royalist line on this. report abuse
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"In fact, the military possesses a powerful mandate that often determines the lifespan of all kinds of regimes, be they monarchical, despotic or democratic. Central to the longevity of the monarchies is the loyalty of the military."
Votes: +1
It is not a powerful "mandate" that the military possesses, but powerful weapons; and the requisite ruthlessness to use them against the people they are nominally defending is central to the longevity of monarchies and militaries both. "Moreover, future monarchies need to work closely with fundamental political parties which represent dominant groups in society and are not necessarily royalists. Meanwhile, they are obliged to avoid being seen as the patrons of minority privilege, as this would further separate the throne from the majority middle to lower classes: if the majority's voice is heard, the king's position is safe." The assumption of an enduring "majority middle to lower classes" has been the death knell of "elitist" systems everywhere. The majority expects not to remain "lower classes" but the "elites", incapable of creating wealth, see that as a loss to themselves in what they see as a zero sum game, and so they respond with military repression. Ultimately they go down in defeat before the majority population, due to their own greedy sloth and stupidity. report abuse
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