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Thailand’s “New Politics” Charade

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Written by Michael Connors
Monday, 07 July 2008
Sondhi Limthongkul’s plans for a political revolution No longer content with the old slogan of “Thaksin dit khuk, Samak ok pai (Thaksin in jail, Samak out), Sondhi Limthongkul, the core leader of the People’s Alliance for Democracy, has called for a “New Politics.” I heard Sondhi’s New Politics speech delivered from the stage on July 4th, near Government House in Bangkok. It was the 41st day of the People’s Alliance for Democracy’s new round of street protests. The New Politics turns out to be a startlingly reactionary proposal to move Thailand’s parliamentary system towards a form of appointed corporatism, or what might be called a selectoral democracy. Thirty percent of MPs would come from elections, perhaps one per province, and the rest of MPS would derive from various occupations and associations. Sondhi says the proportion is not fixed, it’s up for debate. The rationale for wanting to dismantle Thailand’s electoral system is evident: pro-Thaksin forces keep winning elections. And as Thaksin is said to represent everything bad about Thai politics, he can not be allowed to wield power directly or indirectly. Thus, for Sondhi, and it would seem the PAD leadership as whole, there is now a need to bring about a revolution in political representation. The idea of examining alternatives to electoral democracy is not without some merit, for it is common knowledge that massive amounts of money are required to win parliamentary seats, making parliament a millionaire’s playground and a source of further monopolization and corruption. It wasn’t always so, Sondhi told the rally. In the 1970s socialist politicians in Thailand could get elected on the basis of their ideology and popular support, but the emergence of dirty politics in the 1980s crushed any such possibility in the present. The New Politics has interesting antecedents. The PAD leadership has clearly been speaking to military figures (this is now well documented in the Thai language press) who tried to stifle the emergence of parliament in the 1980s. Indeed, selectoral democracy nicely fits with corporatist visions of the old “Revolutionary Council”. The Council, to which General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was said to have an association, held that elections merely led to parliamentary dictatorship and proposed a form of corporate representation to realize the “general will”. A former communist, Prasert Sapsunthon, was the inspiration for this Thai appropriation of Rousseau, the French theorist of the social contract. Prasert became a leading intellectual among military circles calling for non-elective forms of democracy. When the Revolutionary Council effectively declared itself a provisional government during the political crisis of 1988 the elected Chatichai government took it to court for treason. It then faded into obscurity, but its ideas have never quite gone away, finding support among small rightist groups and even in some labor circles. The New Politics is unashamedly pro-military and even codifies the conditions under which military intervention may occur. Sondhi has spoken of four conditions for military intervention: when charges of lese majeste are not acted on; when a government is incompetent; when corruption is rife; when a government betrays national sovereignty. It is not clear if permissible military intervention according to PAD’s envisaged system of selectocracy is to be in the form of a coup d’etat or the exercise of some new administrative power to compel government agencies to rectify a wrong. But what is clear is that PAD has explicitly sanctioned ongoing military intervention in politics. Of course anyone looking at the Thai military will know that it is a conflicted organization, with pro and anti-government factions and both corporate and individual commercial interests. How such an organization might work to protect the ‘general will’ of the people is not at all clear, notwithstanding the fact that politicized militaries the world over become deeply corrupt and self-serving. In part the answer for PAD lies in who controls the military. An important feature of Sondhi’s speech that went unreported in the press was the proposal to take the Ministry of Defence out of government control and place it under the crown. At a time when Thailand is urgently facing the need to institutionalize its politics around public rules, PAD is proposing to formally enhance the power the monarchy. These proposals have been supported by no less a figure than Phipop Thongchai, a central figure in democratic struggles over the last generation. More absurdly, the New Politics, according to Phipop might also copy elements of North Korea statism, where people receive state housing. It’s a shame they don’t have rights, he noted at the rally. For many observers, PAD’s latest thinking comes as no surprise. They say that from the start PAD was associated with the opportunistic use of nationalist and royalist discourse in its call for a royally appointed government to replace the Thai Rak Thai caretaker government in March 2006. That PAD should now become an agent of political regression, willing to hand power to the military and bureaucracy flows from the logic of its initial strategy to beat Thaksin with the royalist and nationalist stick. On the contrary, I would argue that whatever one may make of the early anti-Thaksin movement, its politics were, in part, a form of royal liberalism; it was legitimately concerned with the authoritarian slide during the Thaksin era. And this means that PAD’s current phase is a significant departure from its earlier stance and is of great significance. Most dangerously, PAD’s new turn has the potential to bring to a conservative and reactionary form of corporatism a significant social base. In the 1980s the semi-fascist corporatist politics of the Revolutionary Council were marginalized as Thai politics democratized. The Council became a laughing stock and the organization was dubbed the “Joke Council”. Somehow PAD seems to have reversed Marx’s dictum that history repeats itself, first as tragedy and then as farce. PAD’s metamorphosis comes at an odd moment when it seems to be making ground. It played an opportunistic role in capturing the ministerial scalp of Jakraphop Penkair who resigned from office after being charged with lese majeste. It has given support to the legitimacy of the Asset Examination Committee which recently wound up its investigations into alleged corruption during the Thaksin years. Lawyers had attempted to question the constitutional standing of the AEC, but the Constitutional Court affirmed its standing. And if the Office of the Auditor General appears unconvinced of the readiness of many of the cases presented by the AEC, the National Counter Corruption Commission seems ready to take on some of the cases. The recent pastry-gate scandal when Thaksin lawyers were found guilty of contempt of court would seem to further highlight that things are not going Thaksin’s way. So it is odd that just as its demands are being met, PAD has now put itself at the extreme margins of Thai politics. Many people have already deserted PAD because of its hyper-nationalism and attacks on progressive activists who express views different than its own. Some people have, it seems, been forced to leave. There are reports that speakers from the stage have called on Democrat Party members to leave the rally. How far PAD has travelled is perhaps illustrated by reference to a rally I observed in the middle of last week. A well known rock star got on stage and called on the spirit of the 1950s dictator Sarit Thanarat to deal decisively with corruption. The best that can be said of that episode is that people were applauding on cue, after four weeks of clapping it’s almost a reflex. But the PAD leadership has no such excuse, it has embraced a politics so contrary to its starting point that it now looks as bad as that which it sought to slay. “New Politics” may well be the closing breath of PAD, as those who thought they were fighting for a form of liberal democracy desert its ranks. A protestor I was sitting close to was visibly angry with Sondhi, shouting out “Who are you to abolish parliament?” Actually, that’s an appropriate question for the last generation of Thai politics. Michael Connors teaches politics at La Trobe University. 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I have confirmed my belief that human race is doomed. Lack of compassion, Power and Greed breed too many corrupted intelligent and educated people. The earth will survive when there are no more human race. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 PAD written by Tutu , July 11, 2008 Sondhi and his PAD gang serve the interests of Bangkok elites under the royalist banner. They could not care less for democratic rights of the poor and downtrodden in the provinces, and all he wants is to preserve what the priveleged birthrights of whom he claimed to represent. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 PAD = Partially Absurd Democracy? written by Teeranai Charuvastra , July 10, 2008 Hmm well let's guess when PAD would ever be truly satisfied. I would say when 1.) Thaksin and ALL of his associates (including his wife, children, politician friends, housemaid) are either dead or exiled to Mars for life; and 2.) 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It may close the current loophole but open another bigger and more serious. It is very strange why no one in Thailand has ever tapped into using existing tax laws to screen out corrupt politicians. Most of these politicians have no jobs and businesses but can somehow afford luxurious mansions. Let them show their track record of paying tax and even proven legal sources of income. Bet 80% of the MPs are not qualified. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 ... written by pallop , July 08, 2008 my proposal: randomly selected MP's, chosen via lottery from list of all adult Thais to serve 2-year terms. This is the only way to get a truly representative parliament. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 Observer written by desmond , July 08, 2008 The more one observes Sondhi and Chamlong's remarks, the more one notices these people are highly unreasonable and undemocratic. What do these people want? Power of course! They pretend to defend the nation, religion, and highest institution. In fact, these clowns are destroying them right now. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 Proxy War written by Tutu , July 08, 2008 Samak is said to be proxy for Thaksin. For the anti-Thaksin cotorie, Sondhi is fighting a proxy war for some puppet master. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 Editor written by Keerock Rook , July 08, 2008 Perhaps the analogy of improving the yield of rice could be instructive. Most rice in Thailand is planted in small clumps in which each plant competes with the available nutrients and water to grow. In Laos, an agriculture official recently said the method, called the System of Rice Intensification, or SRI, had doubled the size of rice crops in three provinces and would spread to the whole country because it had provided greater yields with fewer resources.(SRI is also used in India and other countries.) It emphasises the quality of individual plants over the quantity. It applies a less-is-more ethic to rice cultivation. Harvests typically double, if farmers plant early, give seedlings more room to grow and stop flooding fields. That cuts water and seed costs while promoting root and leaf growth. The link: http://www.iht.com/articles/20...17rice.php Because Thailand's climate, water and soil make rice growing easier there is little incentive to change. Perhaps there is also little incentive to change Thai social habits by encouraging independent thinking. The current habits of name calling, finger pointing and overthrowing the government, undermines the atmosphere people need to learn from their mistakes. But, growing people who can stand on their own, can make healthier people and would lead to a stronger Thai society. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 ... written by Flashman , July 08, 2008 There are indeed elements of truth to The Old Asia Hand's view on Thai politics, but it is a misleading analysis to leave these problems squarely at the feet of the palace. The Royal Family, perhaps more specifically the King, is an incredibly valuable franchise in Thai politics and those who have benefited from their royal associations have no desire to see this boon lost through populist parties such as TRT/PPP; hence the orchestrated 2 tier system of government that we see today with the populist parties entrenched in the legislative bodies and the royalist ranks entrenched in the more powerful judiciaries. The situation is utterly unsustainable, but cannot progress until it is known who will take the thrown after the King and what sort of popular support this person will be able to cultivate from the people and in turn, pass onto the Palace's closest advisors. The real question should perhaps be, not how much influence the Palace has, but how much influence does the elite have. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 good article written by earlywarm , July 08, 2008 This is an excellent article which makes some good observations about the different currents swirling around the difficulties with electoral democracy in Thailand. On the other hand, the exceedingly antidiluvian comment immediately preceding this one does nothing to advance the discussion. Antidiluvian because people just don't think like European republicans of the 18th Century in modern Thailand. An astute analysis of the political situation here would have to first explain to the world how "patronage" works in Thailand and how the poorest and least educated people in Thailand continue to kow tow to almost anyone with money and power, including movie stars and corrupt village officials. The current political problem in Thailand is simply about testing the judicial arm of government. Does the rule of law prevail in a truly democratic system in which electoral democracy has been thoroughly discredited by vote buying and unprecedented levels of corruption in government? report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 PAD Undemocratic - What a surprise written by The other Michael , July 07, 2008 No one should be surprised that PAD could come up with such a reactionary proposal. Since failed businessman and his military allies gained control of PAD for the royalists, this group has been heading directly down the anti-democratic road. It would be no surprise to see them repeat the role played by Navaphol extremists in the 1970s. PAD is a dangerous outfit with even more dangerous figures (e.g. self-proclaimed assassin General Panlop) lurking in their backstage area. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 ... written by The Old Asia Hand , July 07, 2008 A thoughtful and reflective piece, but it avoids the most important point that must be made for anyone to understand what is happening in Thailand today, the one that no one ever really seems to want to discuss. It is this: until the king dies, there is no hope at all for civil government to have any meaningful role in Thailand. After five decades of manipulating a passive and largely ignorant population, the royalists have managed to turn the king into a personal deity for most Thais. And how has this deity repaid the poor and the downtrodden back for worshipping him, for flinging themselves prostrate at his feet everywhere he appears? He has aggressively and consistently wielded the power of the palace to undermine the entire concept of elected civil government in Thailand and supported military rule whenever elected governments showed the slightest indication that any of them might actually take root. Power in Thailand works this way: first, the palace; second, the army; and absolutely last, elected government. The king has had the opportunity for over fifty years to lead Thailand into the present, even the future, by supporting the development of democratic institutions in a meaningful way. Instead, he has chosen to devote his prestige to protecting the status of the royal family. Thailand is today in all but name one of the last absolute monarchies on earth. That is the true tragedy of this poor, benighted little country. report abuse vote down vote up Votes: +0 Show/Hide comment form Write comment Name Website Title Comment smaller \| bigger Subscribe via email (Registered users only) I have read and agree to the Terms of Usage. Write the displayed characters

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